Abraham Lincoln and Slavery Abraham Lincoln s Classroom

Featured Book

Lincoln's Legacy "It was true that in politics Mr. Lincoln said, 'He has always hated slavery as much as the Abolitionists,' but his hatred of oppression, and of all forms of wrong, was constitutional, for he could not avoid it," wrote Samuel C. Parks, a lawyer and longtime friend of Abraham Lincoln. 1 A contemporary, Robert H. Brown, wrote in 1854 that Abraham Lincoln had said, "From 1836 to 1840, the question of slavery often troubled me. But after the annexation of Texas, I abandoned the subject, for I trust that God will settle the question, and settle it rightly, and that in some way He will check the prevalence of so great an evil. But now it is our duty to wait."2

Brown met Lincoln at David Davis in Bloominton and Asahel Gridley as a teen intern. One night, to answer his question what the basis for believing in slavery, I sit down and talk with him in the office, and see what I know in the gentle town of ST, ST. I talked about what I said. " Lincoln was deeply interested in all the facts and characteristics of the Senturuis City, which we have seen and understood for many years. When I finished the story, he studied deeply and deeply, so I thought it might have fallen asleep. Lincol n-san, do you wonder that my father and I have been destroyed, or do you suspect our sincerity? " "He was not asleep, he was thinking deeply. He was sitting well, as he had done all the time during my inference, without loosening his facial muscles. The expression was as if he had a pain, and he was a bit older. The terrible video is still in my heart because you know it.

The moral and legitimacy Brown met Lincoln at David Davis in Bloominton and Ashel Gridley in a law firm in Bloominton as a teen intern. One night, to answer his question what the basis for believing in slavery, I sit down and talk with him in the office, and see what I know in the gentle town of ST, ST. I talked about what I said. " Lincoln was deeply interested in all the facts and characteristics of the Senturuis City, which we have seen and understood for many years. When I finished the story, he studied deeply and deeply, so I thought it might have fallen asleep. Lincol n-san, do you wonder that my father and I have been destroyed, or do you suspect our sincerity? " "He was not asleep, he was thinking deeply. He was sitting well, as he had done all the time during my inference, without loosening his facial muscles. The expression was as if he had a pain, and he was a bit older. The terrible video is still in my heart because you know it.

The moral and legitimacy brown met Lincoln at David Davis in Bloomington and Ashero Gridley in a law firm in Bloominton as a teen intern. One night, to answer his question what the basis for believing in slavery, I sit down and talk with him in the office, and see what I know in the gentle town of ST, ST. I talked about what I said. " Lincoln was deeply interested in all the facts and characteristics of the Senturuis City, which we have seen and understood for many years. When I finished the story, he studied deeply and deeply, so I thought it might have fallen asleep. Lincol n-san, do you wonder that my father and I have been destroyed, or do you suspect our sincerity? " "He was not asleep, he was thinking deeply. He was sitting well, as he had done all the time during my inference, without loosening his facial muscles. The expression was as if he had a pain, and he was a bit older. The terrible video is still in my heart because you know it.

Morality and legitimacy of slavery

Lincoln often said that slavery was wrong since he was aware of it. In a speech in Chicago on July 10, 1858, Lincoln said about slavery, "I have always hated slavery, but I have been silent until this new era to submit the Nebraska law. " 4 Lincoln researcher Harry B. Jaffa writes: "For Lincoln ... all the antibacterial controversy has returned to the question of whether blacks are human. He is a human. Then, if all humans are included in the proposition that they were made equally, he should be free and worked under the law. The primary purpose of guaranteeing the results of is a natural law ahead of the constitution. " 5 However, Lincoln's view of slavery was in conflict with Illinois's general racist emotions. Lincoln's first recorder Francis Fisher Brown said: "The Democratic Party has strongly dominated the state in the Illinois Congress for several years. Most of the southern and central settlers in Illinois have been in the southern part of the slavery. Was common, but he thought that the slavery was wrong when he was aware of it. In a speech in Chicago on the 10th of the month, Lincoln stated about slavery, "I've always hated slavery, but I've been silent all the time until this new era to submit the Nebraska law." Ta. 4 Lincoln researcher Harry B. Jaffa writes: "For Lincoln ... all the antibacterial controversy has returned to the question of whether blacks are human. He is a human. Then, if all humans are included in the proposition that they were made equally, he should be free and worked under the law. The primary purpose of guaranteeing the results of is a natural law ahead of the constitution. " 5 However, Lincoln's view of slavery was in conflict with Illinois's general racist emotions. Lincoln's first recorder Francis Fisher Brown said: "The Democratic Party has strongly dominated the state in the Illinois Congress for several years. Most of the southern and central settlers in Illinois have been in the southern part of the slavery. Was common to Lincoln, but he often thought that the slavery was wrong. In a speech in Chicago, Lincoln said, "I've always hated slavery, but I've been silent until the beginning of this new era to submit the Nebraska law." 4 Lincoln researcher Harry B. Jaffa writes: "For Lincoln ... all the antibacterial controversy has returned to the question of whether blacks are human. He is a human. Then, if all humans are included in the proposition that they were made equally, he should be free and worked under the law. The primary purpose of guaranteeing the results of is a natural law ahead of the constitution. " 5 However, Lincoln's view of slavery was in conflict with Illinois's general racist emotions. Lincoln's first recorder Francis Fisher Brown said: "The Democratic Party has strongly dominated the state in the Illinois Congress for several years. Most of the southern and central settlers in Illinois have been in the southern part of the slavery. It was common to be able to build, but people opposed it.

Lincoln witnessed slavery when he was young, when he ran down the Mississippi River twice in New Orleans. Later, when he visited his hometown of Kentucky's friends and family, witnessed the Kentucky slavery. Lincoln also saw the impact of racism on local life and politics in Springfield. Historian Kenneth J. Winkle states: "In 1850 ... more than 20 African Americans lived within 3 blocks from the Lincoln family. One of the neighbors and legal barber, William de Furville, Lincard E. Heart: "African Americans are Lincoln Spring. In 1837, when Lincoln arrived, the African population was about 1, 5, 000. Before the departure of Lincoln in 1861, the population was about 2. 5 % of the 26 people. The African Americans on the field have given Lincaman a much greater impact than that number. " Heart said, "As an aid for slavery, the spontaneous or seasonal services were flourished in the spring field before and after Lincoln arrived. This system was Mississippi in New Orleans when he was young. When he witnessed the slavery twice, he witnessed Kentucky's slavery when he visited his hometown of Kentucky. Kenneth J. Winkle, a historian, said directly by racism on local life and politics: "In 1850 ... more than 20 African Americans. Was lived within three blocks from the Lincolns, Lincoln, who was once a legal and legal customer. ・ E ・ Heart writes: “African Americans were some of the important part of the Lincoln Springfield Community. When Lincoln arrived, the population of Springfield African Americans. African American population was 234 by the departure of Lincoln in 1861, with about 26 people in the total of 1, 5, 000. Increased, the African Americans in the Springfield have been much more impacted than the total of about 9, 320 people. Heart said, "As an assistance for slavery, the spontaneous or seasonal services were flourished in the spring field before and after Lincoln arrived. Lincoln was a young New Orleans. When he witnessed the slavery twice, he witnessed Kentucky's slavery when he visited his hometown. A historian Kenneth Winkle said directly to the impact of local life and politics: "In 1850 ... more than 20 African Americans Lincolns. One of the most familiar blacks for Lincards, Lincard, was a legal barber, Lincard E. Heart writes: "African Americans were some of the important part of the Lincoln Springfield Community. In 1837, when Lincoln arrived, the African African population in the spring field was about 26. The total of 1, 5, 000 population was 78 % of the African Americans in 1861. The Springfield Americans had a much greater effect on the Springfield, which had a much larger impact on the Springfield. Heart said, "As an aid for slavery, spontaneous or seasonal services flourished in the spring field before and after Lincoln arrived. This system is the system.

Slave issues were part of Lincoln's legal practice. Historian Mark M. Crugh wrote: "Lincoln, a young and poor lawyer in the early 1830s, along with Riman Trumble and Gustav Kelner, a de facto slavery in Illinois. In 1839, he won the Supreme Court in the Black Slave in 1839 to destroy the legal basis. The ruling was a historic in Illinois, in which blacks were free in Illinois, and that they were not eligible for buying and selling. Fighting was very courageous, "12 Lincoln and the Lincolns have a small number of lawsuits for the Black. I didn't want to be. " "The method is to abolish the law," said Lincoln. Lincoln claimed that "abolishing the law is to abolish" and proposed and advised over a few dollars to those who own black slaves. "But all of Lincoln's legal works have not supported free slaves. The Matson case is an obvious example of Lincoln's work for Illinois slaves. The slave problem is Lincoln's law. He was part of the practical man, Mark M. Krugh, said: "In the early 1830s, Lincoln, Limkan, with Riman Trumble and Gustav Kelner, in Illinois. In 1839, he spent his own expense to destroy the legal basis of the black age contract system. In Illinois, it was a historic Illinois in Illinois in Illinois. The fact that politicians fight for the freedom of blacks was very courageous, "The number of Lincolns and the same era of Lincolns have been in the case of black. I didn't want to be a party to violate the Escape Slave Law. " "The method is to abolish the law," said Lincoln. Lincoln claimed that "abolishing the law is to abolish" and proposed and advised over a few dollars to those who own black slaves. "But all of Lincoln's legal works have not supported free slaves. The Matson incident is an obvious example of Lincoln's work for Illinois slaves. Slave issues are one of Lincoln's legal practice. The historian Mark M. Crugh wrote: "In the early 1830s, Lincoln, along with Riman Trumble and Gustav Kelner, in Illinois. In 1839, he spent his own expense to destroy the legal basis of the black age contract system. In Illinois, it was a historic, and in Illinois at the time. Fighting for the freedom of blacks was very courageous, "The Lincoln has a small number of litigation for the black man. I didn't want to be a party to violate the slave law. " "The method is to abolish the law," said Lincoln. Lincoln claimed that "abolishing the law is to abolish" and proposed and advised over a few dollars to those who own black slaves. "But 13, not all of Lincoln's legal works supported the free slaves. The Matson case is an obvious example of Lincoln's work for Illinois slaves.

Lincoln traveled to Washington to serve his term in Congress in the fall of 1847. He addressed several issues, one of which was the abolition of slavery in the nation's capital. Historian Richard J. Carwardine writes: "Moral irritation with slavery, sympathy for the slaves, respect for the protection of the Federal Constitution and the social order, belief in the fundamental goodwill of Southern slaves, and the need for joint and gradual action on a problem for which North and South shared responsibility. 14 In Washington, Lincoln found the slavery issue heating up. Historian Olivier Fresse writes that during Lincoln's time in Congress, "antislavery attacked (at least verbally) from two directions: first, the abolition of the slave trade (and slavery, if possible) in the District of Columbia, and second, the refusal to extend the special institution to the territories, whether the territories 'ceded' from Mexico (as expressed in the Wilmot Premise) or Oregon. The formation of the Free Soil Party in August 1848 and its inclusion in the presidential campaign reflected the importance of anti-expansion sentiment at home. 15 The party's emphasis was on protecting the economic opportunities of free whites, as well as preventing the settlement of Oregon.

In the summer of 1848, Representative Linkan stood up in the House of Representatives and defended Wilmot Proviso's ugly posture from the Whig President Zakuri Taylor. Six weeks later, in the election campaign in New England, Representative Lincoln defends General Taylor in more detail and why the voting on the free land will be a losing vote for those who want to prevent the growing slavery to western territory. I mentioned. Lincoln was not as steeper as some colleagues, but it wasn't, given the voters in Illinois. Joiser R. Guiding, a member of the same Higg, the House of Representatives, was regarded as a good opportunity to hit ant i-slavery. Guidings's legendary writer James Brewer Stewart wrote: "In December 1848), as soon as several members arrived in Washington, Guidings brought Mrs. Sprig's colleagues. Among the planners. Abraham Lincoln, Abraham Lincoln, was included, Abraham Lincoln, two former New York Burnburners and A, Macilweyne, two former New York Burnburners and A, Macilwaye, two former New York Burnburners. He was bothered by the conservative colleagues of guying. At the beginning of the exhibition, the table talk on slavery issues developed into swearing and saying "tired". "16" with the southern part

Guidings affected Lincoln, but Lincoln's Democratic Collision Orlando B. Fiklin reminiscent of Lincoln's life with Lincoln as follows: At that time, we did not stay at the hotel while we were in parliament, but were divided into 10 or 12 groups and were shuffled. Until then, I did not know he agreed to abolish the slave. His view was the normal neurosis of his party. However, he was thrown into a group of slaves led by Joshua R. Guiding. His opinions were crystallized among these colleagues, and when they escaped from them, they had a solid idea for slave liberation. In this way, he unconsciously played the role of a taiga drama called the Civil War, and was ready to get eternal fame as a great American slave. He was a complete person. I have seen his rocky face shines like a dawn sea, and his black eyes are literally shining in search of justice for his fellow soldiers. 17

Lincoln, Lincoln, and Lincoln agreed many times during the Congress during the Congress. If this clause passed through the House of Congress, slavery in the United States territory would have been banned. In 1854, Lincoln stated: "However, a little bit, a war with Mexico broke out in 1846. When Congress tried to close this session, President Pork put $ 2 million under his management and was closed during the holidays. The bill to be used to negotiate the Public Treaty and obtain a part of the territory of Mexico is to be used to be used to be used to be executed and convenient. At the time of the Pencil Vannia, Democratic Democrat David Wilmot submitted a modification that "the territory obtained in such a case should not introduce slavery." Lincoln said, "This is the origin of the distant" Wilmot ". 18

"It is difficult to correctly evaluate Lincoln's background regarding slavery issues. Lincoln is consistent in the issue of ant i-slavery petitions, and resolutions and evolutions aimed at sealing discussions on slavery. It was almost consistent to vote for submitting, "says historian Donald W. Riddle. "Lincoln supported the principle that slavery should not be expanded to areas where slavery is not present, but his voting has a clear concept of how it should be achieved. "Riddle is writing," he said, "The experience in the parliament has given him an opportunity to make slavery issues an ominous development. As many slaves have testified, slaves were a moral issue, and was morally uncertain. Linkan would have been banned in the United States, as he had passed through the Congress. "But back, a war with Mexico broke out in 1846. He negotiated the Public Treaty with Mexico, and was officially submitted in the case of being determined to be executed and convenient to acquire a part of the territory of Mexico. During the deliberations, Demand David Wilmot, a member of the Democratic member of Pennsylvania, submitted a modification that "the territory acquired in such a case should not introduce slavery." Lincoln said, "This is the origin of the distant" Wilmot ". 18

"It is difficult to correctly evaluate Lincoln's background regarding slavery issues. Lincoln is consistent in the issue of ant i-slavery petitions, and resolutions and evolutions aimed at sealing discussions on slavery. It was almost consistent to vote for submitting, "says historian Donald W. Riddle. "Lincoln supported the principle that slavery should not be expanded to areas where slavery is not present, but his voting has a clear concept of how it should be achieved. "Riddle is writing," he said, "The experience in the parliament has given him an opportunity to make slavery issues an ominous development. As many slaves have testified, slaves were a moral issue, and was morally uncertain. He has been in the United States, which would have been prohibited in the United States. However, in return, when the war with Mexico broke out in 1846, President Pork set up $ 2 million and was closed. In order to negotiate the Public Treaty, it was officially submitted to be used when it was determined to be executed and convenient to acquire some of the Mexican territory. At the time of the Democratic member of Democratic, David Wilmot, a Pennsylvanian state, submitted a modification that "the territory obtained in that way would not be introduced in slavery." Lincoln said, "This is the origin of the distant" Wilmot ". 18

Lincoln's moral rejection of slavery did embrace other principles. Lincoln was a firm believer in opportunity based on hard work. He considered slavery to be contrary to basic economic and human rights principles. Historian Allen C. Guelzo wrote: "Slavery condemned one class of people to a life of labor with no hope of improvement, while making another class of people into unimpeachable aristocracy; it marked honest labor as 'slavery.'"20 In an undated memo on slavery, Lincoln wrote: "The ant who drags crumbs into his nest defends the fruits of his labor by extermination, whatever robbery offends him. It is so simple that the stupidest and most foolish slave who ever went out for a master always knows that he is wronged. So simple that no one, high or low, ever finds fault with it except in an obviously selfish way. Books have been written to prove that slavery is a very good thing, but no one has ever heard of anyone who has ever sought to profit from being a slave." 21

Another core principle of Lincoln was "freedom," as defined by the Declaration of Independence in 1776... Historian John T. Hubbell writes that "more than any public figure of his time, he advocated the broadest commonality in the American Dream." After a festering cross-section in the 1850s, his re-emergence into national politics was based on the idea that slavery was evil and, in some cases, racial intolerance was unbecoming of a great nation. The fact that his and his party's political fortunes were tied to the geographical limitations of slavery set him apart from his political opponents. In the context of 1858 and 1860 (and 1948 and 1960), it was considered radical. 22 In 1859, Lincoln wrote to the German editor Theodor Canisius: "I have some reputation for improving the condition of the oppressed Negroes, and I would feel a strange contradiction if I were to support a project which would restrict the existing rights of the white race, though born in a different country and speaking a different language from myself." 23 Liberty for all was an important principle for Lincoln. Historian John W. Cook considers how Lincoln developed the concept of American liberty:

One was in keeping with the thinking of most Americans (and many others, too) who lived in free states; the other was a source of considerable discomfort and discontent for many. On the surface, Lincoln expressed the views of many citizens when he affirmed the right of Americans to use the vast wealth of democracy for their own benefit and denied the right of the state to restrict its private use and abuse. Casual freedom was a glorious reality, and Americans enjoyed it constantly. Lincoln once commented that America was a great country. The principle of "liberty for all," that is, opening ways for all, giving hope to all, and thus business and industry to all, was the source of American prosperity. And because this principle was most clearly expressed in the Declaration of Independence, Lincoln believed that without this document there could be neither free government nor prosperity. 24

There are two main types of evidence that show Lincoln's belief in freedom and slavery: (1) unpublished recollections of conversations he had with friends and colleagues; For example, after hearing Senator William H. Seward of New York speak in Boston during the 1848 presidential campaign, Congressman Lincoln reportedly told him: "I believe you are right. We must deal with the slavery problem and from now on we must give it more attention". 25 Eleven years later, Lincoln wrote in his notes for a political speech that Americans "must have a national policy of treating (slavery) as wrong". 26 As president, Lincoln wrote in his second annual message to Congress in December 1862, "In giving freedom to the slave, we secure freedom to the free...". 27

After serving as a House of Representatives from 1847 to 1849, Lincoln returned to the spring field and became a lawyer. For the next five years, he was basically retired from politics, except for an election speech occasionally. However, the people's interest in the future of slavery was growing. Historian William E. Genap writes: "With the passing of the Republican second generation, the power to adjust domestic sexualism has weakened. Henry] Clay, [Daniel] Webster, [John]. The Calhoon generation has created a great legislative compromise that neutralizes the crisis of various sexualism, but since 1850, they will not be afraid of sexualism and will not compromise. Congress was no longer in the middle and good intentions, as revealed in the late 1840s.

Opposition to the expansion of slavery

In May 1854, the Kansas Nebraska Law was passed, and the opposition of each tribe broke out. In 1854, the Kansas Nebraska Law shook American politics and released Lincoln from political hibernation. George McGavan writes: "The 1854 Kansas Nebraska Law abolished the 1850 Complex and brought Lincoln to politics by the 1857 Dread Scott ruling. These events are against slavery. Lincoln's interest was accelerated again on the stage of politics, and for the first time, he brought into a moral discussion in the United States. He began to think that he was more familiar with slavery than those who criticized his position. " 29

In August 1854, Lincoln gave a series of speeches opposing a bill to allow Louisiana, Canzas and Nebraska's remaining territory. The most memorable speech is in the Springfield on October 4 and the Pioria on the 16th. Lincoln's friend J. M. Startvant said, "many of the audiences in the Springfield in Lincoln" said, "I was from the southern part of the Sproutfield and had a common idea of slavery in my home." However, he was convinced of the audience by establishing a claim of slavery in the "deeper source of natural justice". " Hores White, a chicago journalist who was 20 at the age of 30, reminiscent of a speech at the Illinois Conference Hall: On a hot day in early October, Lincoln was wearing a shirt sleeve when he went on the stage. I realized that Lincoln was shy but not shy. He began to talk slowly, but there was no mistake in words, dates, and facts. It was clear that he learned his theme, what he was trying to say, and that he was right. His voice was thin, shelled, had a fluttering, metaphorical power, and could hear from afar, despite the hustle and bustle and crowds. He had his hometown Kentucky's unique accent and accent. He gradually reduced the distance to the target. The square attitude disappeared, and he looks like this. In August 1854, Lincoln gave a series of speeches opposing a bill that allow Louisiana, Canzas and Nebraska's remaining territory. The most memorable speech is in the Springfield on October 4 and the Pioria on the 16th. Lincoln's friend J. M. Startvant said, "many of the audiences in the Springfield in Lincoln" said, "I was from the southern part of the Sproutfield and had a common idea of slavery in my home." However, he was convinced of the audience by establishing a claim of slavery in the "deeper source of natural justice". " Hores White, a chicago journalist who was 20 at the age of 30, reminiscent of a speech at the Illinois Conference Hall: On a hot day in early October, Lincoln was wearing a shirt sleeve when he went on the stage. I realized that Lincoln was shy but not shy. He began to talk slowly, but there was no mistake in words, dates, and facts. It was clear that he learned his theme, what he was trying to say, and that he was right. His voice was thin, shelled, had a fluttering, metaphorical power, and could hear from afar, despite the hustle and bustle and crowds. He had his hometown Kentucky's unique accent and accent. He gradually reduced the distance to the target. The square attitude disappeared, and he looks like this. In August 1854, Lincoln gave a series of speeches opposing a bill to allow Louisiana, Canzas and Nebraska's remaining territory. The most memorable speech is in the Springfield on October 4 and the Pioria on the 16th. Lincoln's friend J. M. Startvant said, "many of the audiences in the Springfield in Lincoln" said, "I was from the southern part of the Sproutfield and had a common idea of slavery in my home." However, he was convinced of the audience by establishing a claim of slavery in the "deeper source of natural justice". " Hores White, a chicago journalist who was 20 at the age of 30, reminiscent of a speech at the Illinois Conference Hall: On a hot day in early October, Lincoln was wearing a shirt sleeve when he went on the stage. I realized that Lincoln was shy but not shy. He began to talk slowly, but there was no mistake in words, dates, and facts. It was clear that he learned his theme, what he was trying to say, and that he was right. His voice was thin, shelled, had a fluttering, metaphorical power, and could hear from afar, despite the hustle and bustle and crowds. He had his hometown Kentucky's unique accent and accent. He gradually reduced the distance to the target. The square attitude disappeared, and he looks like this.

The most notable point in the Pioria speech is that he has disagreed on almost every position in Lincoln. The need for moral vigilance that was strongly emphasized in 1858, the insistence on colonization, the suggestion of gradualism, these were immutable. In an era when politicians were repeatedly converted and reversed, Lincoln's consistency was outstanding ... but the stability of Lincoln's view is that Hidnon claims, moral in politics. The basic concept of Lincoln on the problem indicates that it was studying before the 1854 election campaign. The elements needed for the complete change of the party organization were to conform moral issues to political processes. 33

In these speeches opposing slavery, Lincoln's impact on the audience was based on speeches and analysis, not a lined up. White writes: "He talked about his theme, his language became faster, he shines his face with a genius light, and he began to move his body together with his thoughts. His gestures, but his natural expression was so perfect that he did. He seemed to be hooked on his topic, and his hair was captivated. Since the speech came out, I heard that Lincoln's eloquent speech could be applauded without changing someone. The accusation of the spikes caused the audience to believe that Lincoln believed in all of his words, and even if he became a fire. At the moment of such a transformation, he was the most notable of the speakers of the ancient Hebrew. It was an objection to the position, and it was an unchanged politician of the moral vigilance that was strongly emphasized. In the era when the conversion and reversal were repeated violently, Lincoln's consistency was outstanding ... However, the stability of Lincoln's view is about the moral issues in politics, as Hondon claims. The basic concept of Lincoln is that the fact that it was studied before the 1854 election campaign indicates that it conforms the moral problem to the political process. 33.

In these speeches opposing slavery, Lincoln's impact on the audience was based on speeches and analysis, not a lined up. White writes: "He talked about his theme, his language became faster, he shines his face with a genius light, and he began to move his body together with his thoughts. His gestures, but his natural expression was so perfect that he did. He seemed to be hooked on his topic, and his hair was captivated. Since the speech came out, I heard that Lincoln's eloquent speech could be applauded without changing someone. The accusation of the spikes caused the audience to believe that Lincoln believed in all of his words, and even if he became a fire. At the moment of such a transformation, he was the most notable type of Pioria. He was a strongly converted manner of the moral vigilance that was strongly emphasized in 1858. Lincoln's consistency was outstanding in the era when reversal was repeated ... but Lincoln's stability is Lincoln in politics, as Hondon claims. The basic concept is that the fact that it was studied before the 1854 election campaign was to conform to the political process to the political process. 33

Lincoln spoke in Blueminton, Springfield and Pioria in 1854 after a long speech in these areas by Senator Steven A. Douglas, the main singer of the Kansas Nebraska Law. Ta. Lincoln confessed that he had a strong position against the growing slavery, but did not know any solutions to eradicate slavery. He insisted without compromising the humanity and rights of black Americans. Lincoln stated in the pioria: "Slaves are made up of selfishness, which is the nature of humans. These principles are an eternal antagonist, and both are sharper, so that slavery is expanding. When colliding, the shock, blood clots and convulsions must be continuously continued, or to abolish all the compromises, or abolish all the past history. Nevertheless, the abolition of human nature is incorrect, and his mouth is rich. Continue "35.

Lincoln repeatedly stated that the founding father was going to abolish slavery. Historian Graham Alexander Peck claimed: Lincoln's representative of the ant i-Nebraska faction, Riman Trunable and Illinois, claiming that the founding fathers had opposed slavery. He took the same position as Ichabod Coding, a slave abolitionist, and later showed an ideology that helps unify the ant i-Neblaska school in the Republican Party. " However, Lincoln has returned an independence declaration and accused Kansa s-Nebraska that is much more ant i-New England's action than others. "The scholar David Zalefsky pointed out that Kangza s-Nebraska has changed the conditions of political discourse and made slavery issues, not a isolated region, but emotional and symbolic." 36 Peck argued that "Lincoln and the Republican Party have overturned the northern thoughts on ant i-slavery politics and have blown a powerful ethnic ideology in ant i-slavery movements." Their basic proposition, the idea that the nation is freedom, deeply resonated with Jiyuzhou. In recruiting the doctrine, the Republican Party argued that Congress has the authority and obligations to eliminate slavery from Tue. "37 Lincoln spoke in Blueminton, Springfield and Pioria in 1854 was a lon g-time Senator Steven A. Douglas, the main singer of the Kansas Nebraska Law. After the speech, he confessed that he did not know the solution to eradicate slavery. Lincoln stated in the Pioria without compromising: "Slaves are made up of human nature. These principles are an eternal antagonist, and the spread of slavery is expanding. As it brings, when both sides collide, the shock, thrombus and convulsions must be abolished, but to abolish all compromises, but to abolish the independent declaration. The abolition of all history is still unable to abolish the human nature. And he keeps his mouth.

Lincoln repeatedly stated that the founding father was going to abolish slavery. Historian Graham Alexander Peck claimed: Lincoln's representative of the ant i-Nebraska faction, Riman Trunable and Illinois, claiming that the founding fathers had opposed slavery. He took the same position as Ichabod Coding, a slave abolitionist, and later showed an ideology that helps unify the ant i-Neblaska school in the Republican Party. " However, Lincoln has returned an independence declaration and accused Kansa s-Nebraska that is much more ant i-New England's action than others. "The scholar David Zalefsky pointed out that Kangza s-Nebraska has changed the conditions of political discourse and made slavery issues, not a isolated region, but emotional and symbolic." 36 Peck argued that "Lincoln and the Republican Party have overturned the northern thoughts on ant i-slavery politics and have blown a powerful ethnic ideology in ant i-slavery movements." Their basic proposition, the idea that the nation is freedom, deeply resonated with Jiyuzhou. In recruiting the doctrine, the Republican Party argued that Congress has the authority and obligations to eliminate slavery from Tue. "37 Lincolns spoke in Blueminton, Springfield and Pioria in 1854 after a long speech in these areas by Steven A. Douglas, the main singer of the Kansas Nebraska Law. He confessed that he had a strong position to eradicate slavery. "Slaves are made up of selfishness, which is the human nature of humans, and the expansion of slavery is expanded. When both sides collide, the shock, blood clots and convulsions must be continuously abolished, but abolished all the compromises, but to abolish the independent declaration. It is still the richness of the human mind that the abolition of human nature is incorrect. Continue to say "35.

Lincoln knew that slavery could not be allowed to continue, but he did not know how to end it. Historian Lawanda Cox writes: "In 1854, Lincoln declared that if he had the power, he would free the slaves, but he did not know how to do so. He would not make them "political or social equals." His feelings were, "I will not accept this. If my people do, I know very well that many whites will not. Whether this feeling is in accord with justice and good sense, I cannot ignore the universal feeling, whether founded or unfounded, that it will improve their lot." He denies or trivializes the wrong of slavery. They praise themselves as the saviors of the Union for doing just that." 38

Lincoln did not accept, but rather acknowledged, the racist consciousness of Illinois. The vicious rule of racism in Illinois could not be ignored. Opposing slavery in Illinois was not about protecting the rights of blacks. The free-soil movement against the expansion of slavery promoted the interests of slave-free northern whites. Historian Leonard L. Richards writes: "Some men and women aspired to free soil because they opposed slavery or the expansion of slavery. But others joined the ranks of free soil because they hated and feared blacks. 39 Historian James D. Bilotta writes that "Republican writers and journalists generally showed the same conservatism toward the future of blacks and toward the solution of the slavery problem as Democratic politicians. The welfare of the Caucasian, not the black, remained the primary concern. If a policy was seen as protecting and benefiting the interests of whites, it was considered a good thing. "40 Historian Bruce Tapp writes: "There was little philanthropy toward African Americans in Illinois, and throughout the Midwest. There were important free-soil concepts and views in Illinois, but it is a mistake to equate these sentiments with positive attitudes toward blacks. In fact, the determination of free soil to maintain a favorable attitude toward blacks extended throughout the Midwest and Illinois.

Abolitionists were especially popular in Illinois, and Lincoln considered them to be impossible visionaries when it came to abolishing slavery. Historian Philip Van Doren Stern writes that Mr. Lincoln "listened to the arguments of his partners politically, but he did not go along with it." He was willing enough to agree with Billy Herndon that slavery was an evil that had to be shaken off somehow or other. But he could not tolerate the violence of expression and action that came with extreme abolitionism. He was a conservative at heart, and the methods of the abolitionists shocked and alienated him. Men like William Lloyd Garrison, Thomas Wentworth Higginson, and Theodore Parker (who was a close friend of Lincoln's law partner William H.) shocked and alienated Lincoln. Men like Lincoln Law partner William H. Herndon (with whom he was friendly and corresponded regularly) held principles of conduct that would frustrate this decorum, which was dedicated to the law and politically trained in legal practice. He wanted slavery abolished, just as they did, but he wanted it to be enshrined in law quietly and over a long period of time, with some compensation given to the slaves in exchange for their property. 42 Yet he argued that Lincoln scholar Carl F. Wieck, "The Unitarian minister and prominent abolitionist Theodore Parker... acted in a fundamental but largely unpredictable way."

Politicians who wanted to be elected statewide had to keep quiet and put their pen to the obvious truth. Historian Kenneth M. Stamp writes: "Leon F. Litwack, in his study of free blacks in the antebellum North, and George M. Frederickson, in his analysis of 19th-century racism, have amply documented the pervasiveness of prejudice in the free states. William H. Pease and Jane H. Pease have shown that even abolitionists could not fully overcome the racism of their time."44 Historian Gerald Sorin writes: "The Republicans walked a careful line between abolitionist demands and Northern racism. Their capitulation to anti-black sentiment was primarily defensive. They believed that to have the power to abolish slavery they had to be politically successful, and that meant moving the party away from the idea of equality. Thus, as the party moved toward emancipation, Lincoln and other Republicans insisted that they were not trying to 'Africanize' the North. Senators George Julian and Salmon P. Chase promoted the theory that emancipation would actually reduce the black population in the North. These Republican leaders predicted that northern blacks would be attracted to the more comfortable and "natural" environment of the post-emancipation South and would migrate there. 45 Politicians hoping to be elected statewide had to keep quiet and put their pens to one obvious truth: Historian Kenneth M. Stamp states: "Leon F. Litwack, in his study of free blacks in the antebellum North, and George M. Frederickson, in his analysis of 19th-century racism, have amply documented the pervasiveness of prejudice in the free states. William H. Pease and Jane H. Pease have shown that even abolitionists could not fully overcome the racism of their time. 44 Historian Gerald Sorin states: "The Republicans walked a careful line between abolitionist demands and Northern racism. Their capitulation to anti-black sentiment was primarily defensive. They believed that to have the power to abolish slavery they had to be politically successful, which meant distancing the party from the cause of equality. Thus, as the party moved toward emancipation, Lincoln and other Republicans insisted that they were not trying to 'Africanize' the North. Senators George Julian and Salmon P. Chase promoted the theory that emancipation would actually reduce the black population in the North. These Republican leaders predicted that Northern blacks would be attracted to the more comfortable and "natural" environment of the post-emancipation South and would migrate there. Politicians hoping to be elected to all 45 states had to keep quiet and put down their pens to one obvious truth: Historian Kenneth M. Stamp states: "Leon F. Litwack, in his study of free blacks in the antebellum North, and George M. Frederickson, in his analysis of 19th-century racism, have amply documented the pervasiveness of prejudice in the free states. William H. Pease and Jane H. Pease have shown that even abolitionists could not fully overcome the racism of their time. 44 Historian Gerald Sorin states: "The Republicans walked a careful line between abolitionist demands and Northern racism. Their capitulation to anti-black sentiment was primarily defensive. They believed that to have the power to abolish slavery they had to be politically successful, which meant distancing the party from the cause of equality. Thus, as the party moved toward emancipation, Lincoln and other Republicans insisted that they were not trying to 'Africanize' the North. Senators George Julian and Salmon P. Chase promoted the theory that emancipation would actually reduce the black population in the North. These Republican leaders predicted that blacks from the North would be attracted to the more comfortable and "natural" environment of the post-emancipation South and would migrate there.[45]

The Kansas Nebraska Law has been confused by American politics. "The opposition in Illinoy's Nebraska Law was divided into three camps: Hig, ant i-Nebraska Democratic Party, and the Liberal Republican Party. In the first camp, Lincoln was immediately recognized as a leader." Hores White recalls. "However, Riman Trumble seemed to be a person to come from the speed and ability to show in the struggle with the Nebraska Law in the St. Claire area. The free pamphlet is Owen Rabo Joy and Ikabod Coding. Two churches, who had lived in the altar of justice, led the trumble in the Federal Senior election. On the other hand, Lincoln stayed in Illinois, and eventually became the leader of the emerging Republican Party Robert W. Johansen: "The Republican Party demands slavery restrictions. The term "slave abolitionism" and "ant i-slavery" have different meanings for most Westerners since the 1840s to 1854 in the 1840s to 1854. Ta. The abolition principle defined by the black writer in 1854 had a "deeper meaning and a wide range" than the slaves freed. It also encountered "incidental things related to human excitement, regardless of race (or complexion)". Because it was consistent with what they thought were their interests. They thought that blacks were inferior to white people, so Westerners refused to accept them as equal to political and social levels. It is clear that Republican leaders who have understood this attitude, especially the leaders in the Midwest, will not be able to activate blacks and to equalize their position in society. It was expressed. For a Republican member, this statement was just a political propaganda, but for other Republican members, it clearly expressed his attitude. In any case, the Republican Party has won the Midwest electoral vote and helped with candidates in the White House. "47 The Kansas Nebraska Law has been confused by American politics." The opposition to the Nebraska law in Illinois was divided into three camps: Whigs, Ant i-Nebraska Democratic Party, and the Liberal Party. Journalist Holes White reminisces, Lincoln has been recognized as a leader. "However, Riman Trumble seemed to be a person to come from the speed and ability to show in the struggle with the Nebraska Law in the St. Claire area. The free pamphlet is Owen Rabo Joy and Ikabod Coding. Two churches, who had lived in the altar of justice, led the trumble in the Federal Senior election. On the other hand, Lincoln stayed in Illinois, and eventually became the leader of the emerging Republican Party Robert W. Johansen: "The Republican Party demands slavery restrictions. The term "slave abolitionism" and "ant i-slavery" have different meanings for most Westerners since the 1840s to 1854 in the 1840s to 1854. Ta. The abolition principle defined by the black writer in 1854 had a "deeper meaning and a wide range" than the slaves freed. It also encountered "incidental things related to human excitement, regardless of race (or complexion)". Because it was consistent with what they thought were their interests. They thought that blacks were inferior to white people, so Westerners refused to accept them as equal to political and social levels. It is clear that Republican leaders who have understood this attitude, especially the leaders in the Midwest, will not be able to activate blacks and to equalize their position in society. It was expressed. For a Republican member, this statement was just a political propaganda, but for other Republican members, it clearly expressed his attitude. In any case, the Republican Party has won the Midwest electoral vote and helped with candidates in the White House. "The 47 Kansas Nebraska Law has been confused by American politics." The opposition to the Nebraska bill in Illinois was divided into three camps: Whigs, ant i-Nebraska Democratic Party, and the Liberal Party. Journalist Holes White reminisces, but he is now recognized as a leader. "However, Riman Trumble seemed to be a person to come from the speed and ability to show in the struggle with the Nebraska Law in the St. Claire area. The free pamphlet is Owen Rabo Joy and Ikabod Coding. Two churches, who had lived in the altar of justice, led the trumble in the Federal Senior election. On the other hand, Lincoln stayed in Illinois, and eventually became the leader of the emerging Republican Party Robert W. Johansen: "The Republican Party demands slavery restrictions. The term "slave abolitionism" and "ant i-slavery" have different meanings for most Westerners since the 1840s to 1854 in the 1840s to 1854. Ta. The abolition principle defined by the black writer in 1854 had a "deeper meaning and a wide range" than the slaves freed. It also encountered "incidental things related to human excitement, regardless of race (or complexion)". Because it was consistent with what they thought were their interests. They thought that blacks were inferior to white people, so Westerners refused to accept them as equal to political and social levels. It is clear that Republican leaders who have understood this attitude, especially the leaders in the Midwest, will not be able to activate blacks and to equalize their position in society. It was expressed. For a Republican member, this statement was just a political propaganda, but for other Republican members, it clearly expressed his attitude. In any case, the Republican Party has won the Midwest electoral vote and helped with candidates in the White House. "47

The Kansas Nebraska Law highlighted the conflict with Senator Douglas, which Lincoln had first have a political controversy, from 1839 to 1840. Douglas's legendary writer George Milton Fort claimed: "Douglas and Lincoln had a lot of opinions. Both wanted to maintain the federal and protect the constitutional rights of each state. Each of them. He felt that the slavery would eventually disappear, but he believed in the operation of the Economic Law, and other natural characteristics of Douglas. He thought that the abolition of Missouri would not increase the slavery, but the southern opposition to the new territory would be weakened. You will notice that the competition is too unprofitable and cruel, but there will be no legitimate dissatisfaction in the southern part, and the constitution is provided carefully. This is because Douglas is the same for the first time in the Kansas Nebraska Law with the Senator Daglas, which was the first time in 1839 to 1840. Was highlighted. Douglas's legendary writer George Milton Fort claimed: "Douglas and Lincoln had a lot of opinions. Both wanted to maintain the federal and protect the constitutional rights of each state. Each of them. He felt that the slavery would eventually disappear, but he believed in the operation of the Economic Law, and other natural characteristics of Douglas. He thought that the abolition of Missouri would not increase the slavery, but the southern opposition to the new territory would be weakened. You will notice that the competition is too unprofitable and cruel, but there will be no legitimate dissatisfaction in the southern part, and the constitution is provided carefully. This is because Douglas is the same as the Kansas Nebraska Law from 1840. did. Douglas's legendary writer George Milton Fort claimed: "Douglas and Lincoln had a lot of opinions. Both wanted to maintain the federal and protect the constitutional rights of each state. Each of them. He felt that the slavery would eventually disappear, but he believed in the operation of the Economic Law, and other natural characteristics of Douglas. He thought that the abolition of Missouri would not increase the slavery, but the southern opposition to the new territory would be weakened. You will notice that the competition is too unprofitable and cruel, but there will be no legitimate dissatisfaction in the southern part, and the constitution is provided carefully. This is the land for Douglas.

Slavery was a national issue. Lincoln believed that slavery should not be expanded, but he also understood that its existence in the South was protected by the Constitution. He was very careful not to demonize Southerners or minimize the North's responsibility for slavery. Historian Norman A. Graebner writes: "Even though Lincoln believed slavery to be wrong in practice and in principle, he did not sympathize with the fanaticism of the abolitionists. He was critical of slavery as an institution, but never of the South as a section."49 Mr. Lincoln did not blame the South for slavery. Moncure abolitionist Reverend Daniel Conway wrote in 1862 that President Lincoln had seriously advised Southerners to "use all available influence to impress upon the people that they must be ready and willing to shoulder a large share of the financial losses that would be incurred by the South if Emancipation were to be achieved. Emancipation was a national disease, and all citizens must share in its suffering."50 Historian T. Harry Williams states: "Lincoln's opposition to the abolitionists, his position on the slavery question, was in the tradition of the best American realism. He opposed abolitionism.

Lincoln is not a shor t-term possibility that the release of an American slave is a shor t-term possibility, but the final result of the U. S. Union, which has been dedicated to restricting the spread of slavery, always moving forward and always arranged. I was caught. " 52

Impact of slavery

Lincoln clearly believed that it should not expand the existing issues of slavery. In the 1850s, Abraham Lincoln stated that there was no clear solution in American slavery issues. A historian Norman Gravner says: "Lincoln's human responsibilities stopped at the end of human power, as the beginning of human power was the beginning of human power. Lincoln, Lincoln. The racial aspects of the slavery were afflicted, and at least the abolition of slavery had no solution. He also recognized that the continuing of national politics by slaves would lead to the expansion of domestic slave control, "Many of the turbulence of ant i-slavery. He had only an indirect relationship with black. " For example, the primary purpose was often ove r-representatives in all departments of "slavery", arrogance, tough, and federal governments, rather than slavery. 54 Lincoln .................................... Not as a shor t-term possibility of the release of American slaves, we are dedicated to limiting the spread of slavery, and we always move forward and always arranged. It was regarded as the final result of. " 52

Impact of slavery

Lincoln clearly believed that it should not expand the existing issues of slavery. In the 1850s, Abraham Lincoln stated that there was no clear solution in American slavery issues. A historian Norman Gravner says: "Lincoln's human responsibilities stopped at the end of human power, as the beginning of human power was the beginning of human power. Lincoln, Lincoln. The racial aspects of the slavery were afflicted, and at least the abolition of slavery had no solution. He also recognized that the continuing of national politics by slaves would lead to the expansion of domestic slave control, "Many of the turbulence of ant i-slavery. He had only an indirect relationship with black. " For example, the primary purpose was often ove r-representatives in all departments of "slavery", arrogance, tough, and federal governments, rather than slavery. 54 Lincoln .......................... The finals of the American Union, which are always moving forward and always arranged, dedicated to limiting the spread of slavery, not as shor t-term possibilities. It was considered as a result. " 52

Impact of slavery

The truth is that slaves in the southern part were almost strangled in the country. 55 Richards pointed out in the early 19th century that "the slave's ease of politics has moved the country for their own interests," said historian Leonard L. Richards. "The slave owners had much more power than the number of guarantees. For example, in 62 years from Washington's election to 1850 in 1850, the slaves have been presidential. He has dominated the House of Representatives for 41 years and has dominated the House of Representatives and the media for 42 years. The slaves were in the southern part of the country, and the value of the slaves, cotton flowers, and other things in 1860, in 1860. It is more than the total amount of capital, which was invested in the United States and the capital. "57 The Republican Party will eventually use the opposition to" slavery "as an important political concept. Historical historian William E. Genap has made a certain advantage because the "ambiguity" of the "slave power" has made it possible for the Republican Large to manage the meaning and support the delegation. I brought it. " The truth is that the southern slaves were almost strangled in the country. 55 Richards pointed out in the early 19th century that "the slave's ease of politics has moved the country for their own interests," said historian Leonard L. Richards. "The slave owners had much more power than the number of guarantees. For example, in 62 years from Washington's election to 1850 in 1850, the slaves have been presidential. He has dominated the House of Representatives for 41 years and has dominated the House of Representatives and the media for 42 years. The slaves were in the southern part of the country, and the value of the slaves, cotton flowers, and other things in 1860, in 1860. It is more than the total amount of capital, which was invested in the United States and the capital. "57 The Republican Party will eventually use the opposition to" slavery "as an important political concept. Historical historian William E. Genap has made a certain advantage because the "ambiguity" of the "slave power" has made it possible for the Republican Large to manage the meaning and support the delegation. I brought it. " The truth is that slaves in the southern part were almost strangled in the country. 55 Richards pointed out in the early 19th century that "the slave's ease of politics has moved the country for their own interests," said historian Leonard L. Richards. "The slave owners had much more power than the number of guarantees. For example, in 62 years from Washington's election to 1850 in 1850, the slaves have been presidential. He has dominated the House of Representatives for 41 years and has dominated the House of Representatives and the media for 42 years. The slaves were in the southern part of the country, and the value of the slaves, cotton flowers, and other things in 1860, in 1860. It is more than the total amount of capital, which was invested in the United States and the capital. "57 The Republican Party will eventually use the opposition to" slavery "as an important political concept. Historical historian William E. Genap has made a certain advantage because the "ambiguity" of the "slave power" has made it possible for the Republican Large to manage the meaning and support the delegation. I brought it. "

As Mr. Lincoln feared, the Kansas Nebraska Law in 1854 was a fire for slavery, and in Kansas, violence between slavery and opposition, eventually evolving into the Civil War. 。 Scholar David Zalefsky writes: "1857) Reton's struggle revealed that the Kansas Nebraska law was counterproductive, not only that did not promote local autonomy. (James) In the words of Rory, "fraud, guerrillas, sophistry, terrorism, terrorism, fear, insults, extreme partyity, murder, and other things that support everything. Created the worst characteristics of. " "61

Lincoln's concerns about the expansion of slavery were legitimate. Unlike Douglas, slavery was virtually prohibited from every region in the United States due to climate and geographical conditions. Economicist Robert W. Fogel and Stanley L. Engerman have proved slavery that they are invaded plants that can be rooted everywhere. 62 Furthermore, the southern politicians and their northern allies were planning to increase slavery. A historian William E. Genap states: "The Senator, a member of the Mississippi State, puts slaves' property in the same position as other property, and impaired such property. He proposed a constitutional amendment to all of the federal states, not the theory of slavery. It was here, "As Lincoln> was afraid, the Kansas Nebraska Law was anxiety in 1854, causing violence between slavery and opposition in Kansas. Eventually, the scholar David Zalefski wrote: "The Kansas Nebraska Law was the opposite of the 1857). Not only did he not promote local autonomy, but in the words of Rory (James), he said, "Scams, guerrilla battles, terrorism, terrorism, fear, intense insults, extreme partyity, murder, and all others. Created the worst characteristics of Americans, a violent racism. " "61

Lincoln's concerns about the expansion of slavery were legitimate. Unlike Douglas, slavery was virtually prohibited from every region in the United States due to climate and geographical conditions. Economicist Robert W. Fogel and Stanley L. Engerman have proved slavery that they are invaded plants that can be rooted everywhere. 62 Furthermore, the southern politicians and their northern allies were planning to increase slavery. A historian William E. Genap states: "The Senator, a member of the Mississippi State, puts slaves' property in the same position as other property, and impaired such property. He proposed a constitutional amendment to all of the federal states, not the theory of slavery. "As 63 Lincoln was afraid, the Kansas Nebraska Law in 1854 was a fire for anxiety in Kansas, and eventually violent between slavery and opposition. Written by a scholar David Zalefski: "1857) revealed that the Kansas Nebraska was counterproductive. Not only did he not promote (James), but in the words of Rory, he said, "Scams, guerrilla battles, sophistry, terrorism, fear, intense, insults, extreme parties, murders, and everything else, Created the worst characteristics of Americans, a violent racial. " "61

Lincoln's concerns about the expansion of slavery were legitimate. Unlike Douglas, slavery was effectively banned from every region in the United States due to climate and geographical conditions. Economicist Robert W. Fogel and Stanley L. Engerman have proved slavery that they can be rooted everywhere. 62 Furthermore, the southern politicians and their northern allies were planning to increase slavery. A historian William E. Genap states: "The Senator, a member of the Mississippi State, puts slaves' property in the same position as other property, and impaired such property. He proposed a constitutional amendment to all of the federal states, not the theory of slavery. It was here "63.

Lincoln was concerned about racial discrimination in the North and the limitations the Constitution placed on Southern efforts to abolish slavery. Prejudice was widespread in both the North and the South. Historian Richard J. Carwardine writes: "The Republican Party was more and less than 'the Christian party in politics,' but in the eyes of Northern antislavery moralists it lived up to that name better than any other political force they had known. In Lincoln they found a standard-bearer who was a mixture of lawyer, constitutional conservative, and unyieldingly serious moralist, who perfectly suited their combined needs as a practical union-builder and a lofty crusader." 64 Historian Kenneth J. Winkle writes: "Throughout Lincoln's rhetoric and subsequent policies on both slavery and antislavery, he was deeply committed to doing all he could to enforce the law. As a lawyer, he felt a sacred duty to protect his clients' interests. 65 As President, he felt a sacred duty to enforce the Constitution, not his own moral convictions."

Dred Scott

The Dread Scott case was a trial in February 1856 in the Supreme Court. Scott's property was false declared to test the legality of his slavery. After the Supreme Court ruled in favor of Scott's owner, the court immediately releases Scott, despite the disadvantage of Scott. The Dread Scott ruling in March 1857 raised Lincoln's concern that slavery would expand through temporary stay in Jiyu. Roger B. Tanny, the Supreme Court judge, ruled that Congress could not limit slavery, but that blacks could not be American citizens. Historian David M. Potter wrote: "There were two essential problems in this case, but it is unknown whether it is necessary to answer either for technical reasons. The first is the question of whether Dread Scott is a lawsuit in a lawsuit in another state. "According to critical analysis, more than five judge's main agreement is that Dread Scott is still a slave, so it is not a citizen, and there is no jurisdiction in the Federal Court. "Ta". What is particularly important is the SPAN> Dread Scott case in February 1856, the Supreme Court. Scott's property was false declared to test the legality of his slavery. After the Supreme Court ruled in favor of Scott's owner, the court immediately releases Scott, despite the disadvantage of Scott. The Dread Scott ruling in March 1857 raised Lincoln's concern that slavery would expand through temporary stay in Jiyu. Roger B. Tanny, the Supreme Court judge, ruled that Congress could not limit slavery, but that blacks could not be American citizens. Historian David M. Potter wrote: "There were two essential problems in this case, but it is unknown whether it is necessary to answer either for technical reasons. The first is the question of whether Dread Scott is a lawsuit in a lawsuit in another state. "According to critical analysis, more than five judge's main agreement is that Dread Scott is still a slave, so it is not a citizen, and there is no jurisdiction in the Federal Court. "Ta". What is particularly important is the Dread Scott incident in February 1856 in the Supreme Court. Scott's property was false declared to test the legality of his slavery. After the Supreme Court ruled in favor of Scott's owner, the court immediately releases Scott, despite the disadvantage of Scott. The Dread Scott ruling in March 1857 raised Lincoln's concern that slavery would expand through temporary stay in Jiyu. Roger B. Tanny, the Supreme Court judge, ruled that Congress could not limit slavery, but that blacks could not be American citizens. Historian David M. Potter wrote: "There were two essential problems in this case, but it is unknown whether it is necessary to answer either for technical reasons. The first is the question of whether Dread Scott is a lawsuit in a lawsuit in another state. "According to critical analysis, more than five judge's main agreement is that Dread Scott is still a slave, so it is not a citizen, and there is no jurisdiction in the Federal Court. "Ta". What is particularly important

"But Judge Douglas claimed that the creator of this document did not intend to include the youth, and immediately did not do so, so they put young people in an equal footing with whites. This serious discussion is nothing meaningful, because another fact, that is, immediately or later, did not put all white people in a true position. This is the basic claim of the Supreme Court and the Supreme House of Representatives, who will make an obvious violence in the declaration. I don't think all the people have declared that they are equal in every point, and all people are equal in skin color, intelligence, moral development, and social abilities. He did not intend to say that there was a generous discretion, all of which were created equally, that is, the "rights that cannot be handed out, including the pursuit of life, freedom." He defined himself. They did not try to claim a clear misconduct that everyone would really enjoy this equality or to be recognized immediately. In fact, they

Lincoln's stance on equality grew in strength and depth. Historian Lawanda Cox writes: "In 1854, Lincoln declared that if he had the power, he would free the slaves, but he did not know what steps to take. He would not make them "political or social equals." His feelings were "not to accept this. If my people do, I know very well that many whites will not. Whether this feeling is in harmony with justice and good sense is irrelevant. 'We cannot ignore the universal feeling, whether founded or unfounded, that it will improve their lot.' He denies or trivializes the wrong of servitude. They praise themselves as the saviors of the Union for doing just that."70 Like the Kansas-Nebraska Act, the Dred Scott Act was a source of controversy in the North. Historian David M. Potter writes that the decision "made liberty a local characteristic of the abolished states, not of the Union. Apart from its morality, it was a devastating decision, because in the course of its logical aversion it turned the charter of liberty into a guarantee of slavery." 71 As in 1854, Lincoln strongly opposed the expansion of slavery. According to Winston Churchill, Mr. Lincoln "had proposed the destructive idea of making slavery a moral rather than a legal question, and of overturning the Supreme Court's decision to prohibit slavery in the new territories." According to Winston Churchill, "he instinctively felt the impossibility and impermanence of this new concession to Southern sensibilities. He realized that as the abolitionist movement grew, the South would seek further guarantees to protect its own slave society." 72

1858 Campaign and Senate Debates

Lincoln's response to the Dread Scott ruling showed the political philosophy of the President of the President, as well as his response to the Kansas Nebraska. Lincoln said at a discussion with Senator Douglas on October 15, 1858, "Is there anything other than slavery, what threatens our freedom and property?" Lincoln's response to Dread Scott's ruling showed the political philosophy of the President of the President, as in his response to the Kansas Nebraska Law. Lincoln said at a debate with Senator Douglas on October 15, 1858, "Is there anything else that threaten our freedom and property besides slavery?" Lincoln's response to Dread Scott's ruling indicated the political principle of the President of the President, as well as his response to the Kansas Nebraska Law. In a debate with Senator Douglas in Alton on October 15, 1858, Lincoln stated, "Is there anything other than slavery?" 73 Lincoln's response to the Dread Scott ruling, like his response to the Kansas Nebraska Law, indicated the political philosophy of him in the president's position. Lincoln said at a discussion with Senator Douglas on October 15, 1858, "Is there anything other than slavery, what threatens our freedom and property?" Lincoln's response to Dread Scott's ruling showed the political philosophy of the President of the President, as in his response to the Kansas Nebraska Law. Lincoln said at a debate with Senator Douglas on October 15, 1858, "Is there anything else that threaten our freedom and property besides slavery?" Lincoln's response to Dread Scott's ruling indicated the political principle of the President of the President, as well as his response to the Kansas Nebraska Law. In a debate with Senator Douglas in Alton on October 15, 1858, Lincoln stated, "Is there anything other than slavery?" Lincoln's response to the 7 3-dreaded scott ruling showed the political philosophy of the President of the President, as in his response to the Kansas Nebraska Law. Lincoln said at a discussion with Senator Douglas on October 15, 1858, "Is there anything other than slavery, what threatens our freedom and property?" Lincoln's response to Dread Scott's ruling showed the political philosophy of the President of the President, as in his response to the Kansas Nebraska Law. Lincoln said at a debate with Senator Douglas on October 15, 1858, "Is there anything else that threaten our freedom and property besides slavery?" Lincoln's response to Dread Scott's ruling indicated the political principle of the President of the President, as well as his response to the Kansas Nebraska Law. In a debate with Senator Douglas in Alton on October 15, 1858, Lincoln stated, "Is there anything other than slavery?" 73

According to Lincoln's reasoning, many interests were involved in the Senate election campaign against Steven A. Douglas, especially in 1858. Historian Steven B. Oats, in his view, in his opinion, the Democratic Party (Senate, the Supreme Court, a political party dominating the presidential position) is a slavery in terms of slavery and the whole Republic of Republic. He wrote that he had a rebellion. Human slavery does not go away. By dragging Margarita, crossing the western part, applying slavery to any condition found there, and working on blacks on mines and farms, increasing the slavery, growing, and endless. Ta. 74 Historian Theodore Clark Smith wrote: "At the debate, Douglas voted for the Republican Party against the Reconpton (Kansas) Constitution, but there was no reason for the same claim between the two. Douglas, like the time in 1854, attacked Lincoln as a member of the slavery. As with the same year, Lincoln in 1858 continued to attack Douglas's sovereignty, that is, the future of slavery should be organized and decided. ・ Juffa writes: "The theme that Lincoln repeatedly claimed in all discussions was that the people should organize and decide on slavery in the future of slavery. In 1858, in the Senate election campaign against Stephen A. Douglas, which had two dead, Lincoln's opinion was involved in the southern part. The Democratic Party (Supreme Court, a political party dominating the presidential position) has not disappeared in the slave system. By dragging Margarita, crossing the western part, applying slavery to any conditions found there, and working blacks on mines and farms, increasing the slavery, growing, and endless. The 74 historian Theodore Clark Smith wrote: "In the discussion, Douglas voted to the Republican Party, but there is no reason to match both. It was shown from the beginning, as in 1854, Lincoln was a member of the slavery abolition, and the coalition was in crisis. As with 1854, Lincoln in 1858 continued to attack Douglas's sovereignty, that is, the future of slavery should be organized and decided. V. Juffer writes: "The theme that Lincoln repeatedly claimed in all discussions was that it should be organized by the territory in the future of slavery. In 1858, many interests were involved in the Senate election campaign against Steven A. Douglas, which had two dead. Historian Steven B. Oats, in his view, in his opinion, the Democratic Party (Senate, the Supreme Court, a political party dominating the presidential position) is a slavery in terms of slavery and the whole Republic of Republic. He wrote that he had a rebellion. Human slavery does not go away. By dragging Margarita, crossing the western part, adapting slavery to any condition found there, and working blacks on mines and farms, increasing the slavery, growing, and continuing to end infinitely. Ta. 74 Historian Theodore Clark Smith wrote: "At the debate, Douglas voted for the Republican Party against the Reconpton (Kansas) Constitution, but there was no reason for the same claim between the two. Douglas, like the time in 1854, attacked Lincoln as a member of the slavery. As with the same year, Lincoln in 1858 continued to attack Douglas's sovereignty, that is, the future of slavery should be organized and decided. ・ Juffa writes: "The theme that Lincoln repeatedly claimed in all discussions should be decided by the people in the future of slavery in the future of slavery.

The debate over slavery after the Kansas Nebraska has spurred the formation of the Republican Party as a substitute for the dying Hig Party, the shor t-lived American party, and the Democratic Party. In 1856, Lincoln abandoned the Whig Party and cooperated with the formation of the Illinois Republican Party, but was concerned that it would not be supported in the southern part of Illinois. Lawyer Henry Clay Whitney was with Lincoln on a train heading for the first Democratic State Games in Bloomington. He recall: "Lincoln wanted to know if there were delegates on the train to the tournament. Lincoln wanted to know if there were delegates on the train to the tournament. Who found the excuse to refuse it, so I went back and forth of the vehicle, and I came back to the place where I was sitting deeply. I said, "I answered. After 15 minutes or 20 minutes, he came back 15 minutes or 20 minutes later. He was completely hostile to the idea of the Democratic Party. And Lincoln's hope was to determine the emotions of the lower world along the line. "Whitney recalls:" The debate over slavery after the Kansas Nebraska Law in various stages before that is the dying Higg, the United States, the Democratic Party, and the Democratic Party. In 1856, the Republican Party has abandoned the formation of the Republican Party, but it was a lawyer in the southern part of Illinois. Henry Clay Whitney recalls Lincoln on the train heading to the first Democratic Games in Bloomington. Who wanted to know if there was a delegate to see if there was a delegate? Going back and forth and looking at the list, I slowly returned to the point where I was sitting deeply with "Hawage in Syria". He returned 15 minutes or 20 minutes, and was completely hostile to the Illinois. And Lincoln's hope was to determine the emotions of the lower world along the line. "Whitney recalls:" The debate over slavery after the Kansas Nebraska Law in various stages before that is the dying Higg, the shor t-lived American party, and the Democratic Party. In 1856, he abandoned the Formation of the Republican Party, and was concerned that he would not be supported in Illinois. Whitney recalled with Lincoln in the first Democratic State Games held in Bloominton: "Lincoln is a substitute on the train to the tournament. Who wanted to know if there was a member of the Diet or not to find out if there was a delegate? While watching the list, I returned to the point where I was sitting deeply with Hawage in Syria, "I answered. After 15 or 20, he returned to the southern part of Illinois. And Lincoln's hope was to determine the emotions of the lower world along the line. "Whitney recalls:" In the various stages before that

At least, it became an important road to the way to establish an effective political power that Lincoln was imposing a response to the Nevasca law. " Lincoln's dramatic speech ending 80 tournaments confirmed his own leadership.

For the next four years, Lincoln became an ant i-slavery and Stephen A. Douglas speech, conflicted in the 1858 Senate election and the 1860 presidential election. In the 1858 election campaign, he gave his home speech. It was nominated as a Douglas competition at a Republican tournament held in the spring field. In the speech, he complained that there was a slave conspiracy between former President Franklin Pierce, President James Buchanan, Roger B. Supreme Court, and Douglas. Lincoln's slavery and fear of increased slaves continued until the 1850s. "Not only Buchanan, but also the other people, including Alexander Stevens, who were the cousins of the Supreme Court Daniel, were also in the correspondence." I don't know how many people are satisfied with trying to obtain a court ruling. What cannot be denied is that the political bonds of slavery promotion groups, which have buchanan in the White House, have the majority of the Supreme Court share his political passion and exercise its power to make slavery profits. He knew that he would put it in a place where the majority of the group was far from the rule. That was why Lincoln accused the House of Representatives's intervention. At least, it became an important road to the Lincoln for the establishment of effective political power, which Lincoln was implying to respond to the Nevasca law. " Lincoln's dramatic speech ending 80 tournaments confirmed his own leadership.

For the next four years, Lincoln became an ant i-slavery and Stephen A. Douglas speech, conflicted in the 1858 Senate election and the 1860 presidential election. In the 1858 election campaign, he gave his home speech. It was nominated as a Douglas competition at a Republican tournament held in the spring field. In the speech, he complained that there was a slave conspiracy between former President Franklin Pierce, President James Buchanan, Roger B. Supreme Court, and Douglas. Lincoln's slavery and fear of increased slaves continued until the 1850s. "Not only Buchanan, but also the other people, including Alexander Stevens, who were the cousins of the Supreme Court Daniel, were also in the correspondence." I don't know how many people are satisfied with trying to obtain a court ruling. What cannot be denied is that the political bonds of slavery promotion groups, which have buchanan in the White House, have the majority of the Supreme Court share his political passion and exercise its power to make slavery profits. He knew that he would put it in a place where the majority of the group was far from the rule. That was why Lincoln accused the lower house's intervention. At least, it became an important road to the way to establish an effective political power that Lincoln was imposing a response to the Nevasca law. " Lincoln's dramatic speech ending 80 tournaments confirmed his own leadership.

The 1858 election campaign was rife with charges of conspiracy. Douglas charged that Lincoln's supporters and Buchanan's Democrats had entered into a "foul and unnatural alliance."86 Lincoln did nothing Historian Richard H. Sewell writes that "when Lincoln warned that the next step for slavery might be to obtain a ruling protecting slave ownership in all the states, he may have had in mind the case already in the New York courts."87 Scholar David Zalewski writes that "conspiracy theories were capable of creative embellishment. By emphasizing the threat to the interests of northern whites rather than to the slaves, they could make the threat more urgent and the need for action more urgent."88 In August 1858, Lincoln spoke at Carlinville, saying that slavery "was now about to be legalized everywhere." The Nebraska bill was introduced during this period, coming from a man who had twice voted for the Wilmot Proviso and the extension of the Missouri Compromise to the Pacific Ocean. This change in national policy was determined to be constitutional. However, the Court would not rule on the sole issue of whether Dred Scott was a slave or not.

Lincoln tried to show his claims against slavery in a logical but persuasive way. A historian Gerald Procopovic wrote this in the Lincolid controversy in Ottawa in 1858: "It's clear what Lincoln did here. He is a democratic. He wanted to prevent the spread of the sel f-government, and he had to persuade the unwavering beliefs of white supreme. There was no objection to acknowledge (I can't recognize it), but unlike Douglas, it is rooted in the unique nature of nature that only European Europeans have natural rights. Douglas tried to confuse the rights and civil rights as much as possible (based on natural rights. One of the ways to indicate this separation is to say that he does not support the voters. Without abandoning his beliefs, he presented a model that could agree with the spread of slavery without supporting social and political equality. A historian Gerald Procopovic wrote the Lincold Procopovic in 1858, trying to show his claim in a logical but persuasive way. "It's clear what Lincoln did here. He believed that slavery was incompatible with democratic autonomy, and he wanted to prevent its spread. To that end, the people who share the unwavering beliefs of white supremacy. Was persuaded, but unlike Douglas, it was unreasonable to recognize (not recognized) of white political and social advantage. Douglas did not believe that only European Europeans were rooted in natural providence. This is because one way to be separated (based on natural rights) is superior. He could agree with voters to oppose the widespread of slavery without abandoning the belief in white supremacy. We presented such a model. Lincoln tried to show his claims against slavery in a logical but persuasive way. A historian Gerald Procopovic wrote this in the Lincolid controversy in Ottawa in 1858: "It's clear what Lincoln did here. He is a democratic. I wanted to prevent the spread of the people who believed that it was incompatible with the sel f-government. There was no objection to acknowledge (I can't recognize it), but unlike Douglas, it is rooted in the unique nature of nature that only European Europeans have natural rights. Douglas tried to confuse the rights and civil rights as much as possible (based on natural rights. One of the ways to indicate this separation is to say that he does not support the voters. He presented a model that could agree to oppose slavery, without abandoning his beliefs, but not particularly supporting social and political equality.

Lincoln's speech gave a big impact inside and outside Illinois. Hugh McCallow, the third Finance Secretary of President Lincoln, recalls later: "I first saw him and heard it right after he finished talking with Douglas in Indianapolis. When I came out of my speech, I thought that this was the most indifferent person I saw on the stage. The speech of Abraham Lincoln was interesting and exclaimed by the speech, which was immediately solved by the personality and a republic. This country is a slave, such as the discouragement of society, aggression, and the right to be partially free. 92 historian William C. Harris wrote:

Lincoln, who had a log again, was driven by the deep desire to defeat Douglas and his Democratic supporters. Lincoln's motivation was also affected by personal ambition, but it must have been as early as a politician. Lincoln is convinced that Douglas and the Democratic Party have tolerated the expansion of slavery, and does not try to take a moral position opposed to slavery, and is convinced that the fathers of the founding fathers are impaired. I was ... Democracy is basically conservative, but democracy is basically conservative, but due to the passage of time and the abominable "don't care" policy for Douglas slavery, democracy is in envision He was expecting 93 that he would establish an equal advanced path again. Lincoln's speech gave a big impact inside and outside Illinois. Hugh McCallow, the third Finance Secretary of President Lincoln, recalls later: "I first saw him and heard it right after he finished talking with Douglas in Indianapolis. When I came out of my speech, I thought that this was the most indifferent person I saw on the stage. The speech of Abraham Lincoln was interesting and exclaimed by the speech, which was immediately solved by the personality and a republic. This country is a slave, such as the discouragement of society, aggression, and the right to be partially free. 92 historian William C. Harris wrote:

Lincoln, who had a log again, was driven by the deep desire to defeat Douglas and his Democratic supporters. Lincoln's motivation was also affected by personal ambition, but it must have been as early as a politician. Lincoln is convinced that Douglas and the Democratic Party have tolerated the expansion of slavery, and does not try to take a moral position opposed to slavery, and is convinced that the fathers of the founding fathers are impaired. I was ... Democracy is basically conservative, but democracy is basically conservative, but due to the passage of time and the abominable "don't care" policy for Douglas slavery, democracy is in envision He was expecting 93 that he would establish an equal advanced path again. Lincoln's speech gave a big impact inside and outside Illinois. Hugh McCallow, the third Finance Secretary of President Lincoln, recalls later: "I first saw him and heard it right after he finished talking with Douglas in Indianapolis. When I came out of my speech, I thought that this was the most indifferent person I saw on the stage. The speech of Abraham Lincoln was interesting and exclaimed by the speech, which was immediately solved by the personality and a republic. This country is a slave, such as the discouragement of society, aggression, and the right to be partially free. 92 historian William C. Harris wrote:

Others were less favorably disposed toward Lincoln and his fellow Republicans' cause. Historian Kenneth M. Stamp writes that "historians such as Berwanger and Woodward viewed the Republican crusade against the expansion of slavery with considerable skepticism." Berwanger emphasized Republicans' anti-black rather than anti-slavery sentiments, and acknowledged that it is impossible to measure precisely the extent to which racial prejudice drove opposition to the expansion of slavery. But he argued: "If 79. 5 percent of the people in Illinois, Indiana, Oregon, and Kansas voted to exclude free blacks simply out of prejudice, this aversion undoubtedly influenced their decision to support non-emphasis on slavery. Some of the more strident naysayers...[went on to become prominent anti-slavery politicians in the 1850s.] Others were less favorably disposed toward the cause of Lincoln and his fellow Republicans. Historian Kenneth M. Stamp writes that "historians such as Berwanger and Woodward viewed the Republican crusade against the expansion of slavery with considerable skepticism." Berwanger emphasized Republicans' anti-black rather than anti-slavery sentiments, and acknowledged that it is impossible to measure precisely the extent to which racial prejudice drove opposition to the expansion of slavery. But he argued that "if 79. 5 percent of the people in Illinois, Indiana, Oregon, and Kansas voted to exclude free blacks simply out of prejudice, this aversion undoubtedly influenced their decision to support non-emphasis on slavery. Some of the more strident naysayers...[went on to] become prominent anti-slavery politicians in the 1850s."94 Others were less favorably disposed toward the cause of Lincoln and his fellow Republicans. Historian Kenneth M. Stamp writes that "historians such as Berwanger and Woodward viewed the Republican crusade against the expansion of slavery with considerable skepticism." Berwanger emphasized Republicans' anti-black rather than anti-slavery sentiments, and acknowledged that it is impossible to measure precisely the extent to which racial prejudice drove opposition to the expansion of slavery. But he argued: "If 79. 5 percent of the people in Illinois, Indiana, Oregon, and Kansas voted to exclude free blacks simply out of prejudice, this aversion undoubtedly influenced their decision to support de-emphasizing slavery. Some of the more strident anti-slavery critics...[went on to become prominent anti-slavery politicians in the 1850s.]

Lincoln himself tried to distinguish his arguments against the expansion of slavery from issues of racial prejudice. Historian Stephen B. Oates writes that Lincoln "wryly stated that race was not the issue between him and Douglas. The issue was whether slavery would ultimately triumph or perish in the United States. But Douglas understood the depth of anti-Negro sentiment in Illinois and hoped to exploit white racial fears to give Lincoln a crack. 95 Illinois was a fundamentally racist state, perhaps the most racist in the North. Richard Lawrence Miller writes that according to an Illinois statute: "Any negro or mulatto person found in this state who does not possess the certificate required by this law shall be deemed to be a runaway slave or servant."96 Historian George M. Fredrickson writes: In 1853, Illinois enacted what historian Eugene Berwanger calls "the strictest anti-Negro measure ever passed in a free state." It imposed heavy fines and prison sentences on anyone (except slave owners who were merely passing through with slaves) who brought blacks into the state, presumably to serve as indentured servants or low-wage laborers. Any black person who crossed the border alone into Illinois and stayed there for more than ten days was subject to a $40 fine (a substantial sum at the time), and the fines were as follows:

Historian Bruce Tap states: "Illinois, and in the middle and west, there were almost no pearl emotions for African Americans. Illinois has important ant i-slavery and free territory. However, it is a mistake to identify those emotions and the favorable attitude toward black people, which is actually a determination of freedom to close the western area from slavery. He was often driven by the desire to avoid it proved that the northern part of the fre e-black society was not a monopoly patent. " 98 Lincoln researcher Douglas L. Wilson said, "If the politicians at the time are suspected of claiming black social social and political equality, they will not be elected to the Illinois State Congress. I wrote ... " The 99 Lincoln had a challenge to support human equality against the backdrop of racist elections. His discussion was carefully assembled. Lincoln researcher Fred Caplan wrote: "The racial prejudice in the southern and northern part was so powerful that it could not be ignored, but" It is possible to adopt a gradual slave liberation system. It seems that the country's treasury and national treasury are the only reasons for the abolition of slavery. Historian Bruce Tap states: "Illinois, and in the middle and west, there were almost no pearl emotions for African Americans. Illinois has important ant i-slavery and free territory. However, it is a mistake to identify those emotions and the favorable attitude toward black people, which is actually a determination of freedom to close the western area from slavery. He was often driven by the desire to avoid it proved that the northern part of the fre e-black society was not a monopoly patent. " 98 Lincoln researcher Douglas L. Wilson said, "If the politicians at the time are suspected of claiming black social social and political equality, they will not be elected to the Illinois State Congress. I wrote ... " The 99 Lincoln had a challenge to support human equality against the backdrop of racist elections. His discussion was carefully assembled. Lincoln researcher Fred Caplan wrote: "The racial prejudice in the southern and northern part was so powerful that it could not be ignored, but" It is possible to adopt a gradual slave liberation system. It seems that the national treasury and the abolition of slavery are the only historical weapons. Bruce Tap states: "Illinois, ultimately, there were few pearl emotions for African Americans in the middle and west. Illinois had an important ant i-thermal system and free territory. It is wrong to identify those emotions and the favorable attitude toward black people, and the determination of freedom to close the western area from slavery is to completely avoid contact with blacks. The treatment of the northern part of the fre e-black society was not a monopoly patent in the northern part. " 98 Lincoln researcher Douglas L. Wilson said, "If the politicians at the time are suspected of claiming black social social and political equality, they will not be elected to the Illinois State Congress. I wrote ... " The 99 Lincoln had a challenge to support human equality against the backdrop of racist elections. His discussion was carefully assembled. Lincoln researcher Fred Caplan wrote: "The racial prejudice in the southern and northern part was so powerful that it could not be ignored, but" It is possible to adopt a gradual slave liberation system. It seems that the national treasury and the ultimate praise to the abolition of slavery.

Political success on the slavery issue required political moderation, which was frustrated by the abolitionists. Lincoln was not an abolitionist; he was a politician interested in getting legislation passed. Historian William E. Gienapp writes that "the party's more sensible and thoughtful representatives, especially Seward and Lincoln, who by the end of the decade had become its two most important leaders, held far more moderate views." Both men were careful to suggest the existence of conspiracies to expand slavery, but generally avoided the term. Instead, they spoke loosely of plans, designs, or dispositions, or used the metaphor of concerted effort (Lincoln famously spoke of constructing a platform that provided the various Democratic leaders with a piece that would fit perfectly into each). As leaders of the moderate wing, always the largest group in the party, Seward and Lincoln emphasized, and historians have unfairly characterized as a trend of events. They seriously asked, in what direction was the nation heading? What would a rational man have expected from this crisis? " 102

In February 1860, Lincoln was invited to speak in New York, giving him the opportunity to speak for the first time to an eastern audience beyond the Midwest. He delivered a speech at Cooper Union on February 27, reviewing the history of slavery in America and rejecting the pro-slavery positions and actions of the South. This speech prompted many more invitational speeches in Connecticut, Rhode Island, and New Hampshire over the next two weeks. In Hartford, Lincoln likened slavery to a rattlesnake to show the difficulty of dealing with slavery. The next day, Lincoln delivered another rattlesnake speech in New Haven, attacking Senator Stephen A. Douglas's position:

If I saw a poisonous snake creeping down the street, any man would say that he might grab the nearest stick and kill it. [But if the snake slept with his children, that's another matter. [But if I found a snake in the bed of my neighbour's children, and I had a formal promise not to interfere with them under any circumstances, I would leave the special method of getting rid of snakes alone. [But if there was a newly made bed to move the children to, and a proposal was made to bring a young snake into it to sleep with the children, no one could argue with how I should decide! [That's right! The new land is the newly made bed to which our children will go, and it is up to the people to mix the snake in it or not. There seems to be little doubt as to what our policy should be! [I have spoken so far of policies based on the idea that slavery is wrong, and policies based on the idea that it is right. But there is also a movement to have a policy that does not treat slavery as either right or wrong. It is based on complete indifference. His leading supporter said, "I don't care. If I saw a poisonous snake creeping down the street, any man would say that he might grab the nearest stick and kill it. [But if the snake slept with his own children, that is another matter. [But if I found a snake in the bed of my neighbour's children, and I had made a formal promise not to interfere with them under any circumstances, I would leave the special method of getting rid of snakes alone. [But if there was a newly made bed to move the children to, and a proposal was made to bring a young snake into it to sleep with the children, no one could argue with how I should decide! [That's right! The new ground is the newly made bed to which our children will go, and it is up to the people to mix the snake in it or not. There seems to be little doubt as to what our policy should be! [I have spoken so far of policies based on the idea that slavery is wrong, and policies based on the idea that it is right. But there is also a movement to adopt a policy that does not treat slavery as either right or wrong. It is based on complete indifference. He A leading advocate of said, "I don't care. If I saw a poisonous snake creeping down the street, any man would say that he might grab the nearest stick and kill it. [But if the snake slept with his own children, that's another matter. [But if I found a snake in my neighbor's children's bed, and I had a formal promise not to interfere with those children under any circumstances, I would leave the special method of getting rid of snakes alone. [But if there was a newly made bed to move the children into, and a proposal was made to bring a young snake into it to sleep with the children, no one could argue with how I should decide! [That's right! The new ground is the newly made bed to which our children will go, and it is up to the people to mix the snake in it or not. There seems to be no great uncertainty as to what our policy should be! [I have spoken of policies based on the idea that slavery is wrong, and policies based on the idea that it is right. But there is also a movement to adopt a policy that does not treat slavery as either right or wrong, which is based on complete indifference. His leading supporter said, “I don’t care.

With the publicity generated by his Cooper Union speech, Lincoln became the Republican presidential candidate. A year later, as president, Lincoln gradually expanded the focus of his administration from preserving the Union to freeing all American slaves. However, scholars James O. Horton and Lois E. Horton write that "Lincoln's prospects for the White House did not convince African Americans that the Republican Party was necessarily on their side. Beyond Lincoln's words, there was overwhelming evidence that the Republican Party did not support black rights. Many of the northern white-vote-seeking Republican leaders made it clear that their opposition to the spread of slavery was not a position on racial equality."104 But Republicans like Lincoln understood that slavery was wrong and must ultimately be abolished. Historian Herman Beltz writes of Civil War Republicans: "What was striking about the Republican Party was how quickly and unified they moved to the conclusion that military emancipation was a necessary means to preserve the Union." 105

The southern part was afraid of the presidential election in November 1860 and regarded him as an expressway, but Lincoln was considered a conservative slave. Lincoln researcher Harry V. Jaffa wrote: "Lincoln's election guarantees that slavery will not be expanded to any territory, and thus guarantees that other slaves will not be added. It is true that the percentage of slaves in the expanded coalition was intended to become smaller and smaller. As explained, it supports the strong American commitment in the founding father, constitution, and law principles, and among them against the spread of slavery. This is because it was also included. He did not believe that Democrat, including Douglas, was a true conservative. "In the February 1860's February of the Cooper Union, Lincoln said:" Again, you have made slavery issues more noticeable than before. You say that we have denied it, but we have denied it. We were not the most important problem, but we are still there. Is it going to be the same in the same situation? He was afraid of the presidential election and regarded him as an expressway, but Lincoln's conservative slave wrote: "" Lincoln's election guarantees that slavery will not be expanded to any territory, and thus guarantees that other slave states will not be added, resulting in a growing proportion of slaves in the expanded coalition. It is true that it was intended, "106 historian William C. Harris wrote: Lincoln himself was a" conservative ", but he explained it. As is there, it supports the strong American commitment of the founding father, the constitution, and the principles of the law, which also opposes the increase in slavery. He did not believe that Democrat, including Douglas, was a true conservative. "In the February 1860's February of the Cooper Union, Lincoln said:" Again, you have made slavery issues more noticeable than before. You say that we have denied it, but we have denied it. We were not the most important problem, but we are still there. Is it once again in the same situation? He was afraid of the presidential election and regarded him as a steeper, but Lincoln himself thought he was a conservative slave: "Lincoln's election. The intention is to guarantee that slavery will not be expanded to any territory, and therefore ensure that other slaves will not be added, the proportion of slaves in the expanded coalition will become even smaller. It is true that "106 historian William C. Harris wrote: Lincoln himself was a" conservative ", but it is explained. This is because it supports the strong American commitment to the founding father, the constitution, and the principles of the law, which also opposed the increase in slavery. He did not believe that Democrat, including Douglas, was a true conservative. "In the February 1860's February of the Cooper Union, Lincoln said:" Again, you have made slavery issues more noticeable than before. You say that we have denied it, but we have denied it. We were not the most important problem, but we are still there. Will you return to that old policy again?

In the winter of 1860-61, facing the secession of the southern states, President-elect Lincoln clearly recognized the limits of what the federal government could and could not do about slavery. Historian Kenneth M. Stamp argues: The president-elect's previous attitudes toward slavery made it clear that he was no "dogmatist," and that he wholeheartedly supported the democratic demand for restricting slavery to its present limits. Only once, in a "House Speech" in June 1858, did he even subscribe to the essence of the "theory" of irretrievable conflict. But this was not typical. His conversations with Douglas and his subsequent public statements were conservative. He not only professed the right of southerners to retain their property, but also recognized the obligation to respect the Fugitive Slave Law and rejected any belief in racial equality. His position was, in fact, the lowest common denominator of the Republican resistance; it was the position of the majority of moderate, respectable, "wholesome" Yankees. " 109

Pressure for Emancipation

President Lincoln stated that the purpose of the Civil War was to maintain the federal, but could not cut off slavery issues. One of the first trials of the Lincoln administration in the Civil War was how to deal with the escaped southern slaves. "1861) May .... The first volunteer reconnaissance squad, Vermont, passed through Causeway connecting Fort Monroe and the mainland, and passed by the rebels around Hampton Village." Hampton people are right away. The slaves fled from the mainland, and three of these slaves were wiped through the Bermont soldiers, and the next morning, the Slaves were in the morning. "110 Gelzo," 110, is a truly forbidden fugitive, and a mere fugitive, "" Really forbidden escape. Was not easy. " 111 In late July 1861, General Cameron, a good lawyer in Massachusetts, asked the Secretary of Cameron what to escape from the Virginian North Army Front. President Lincoln stated that the purpose of the Civil War was to maintain the federal, but could not cut off slavery issues. One of the first trials of the Lincoln administration in the Civil War was how to deal with the escaped southern slaves. "1861) May .... The first volunteer reconnaissance squad, Vermont, passed through Causeway connecting Fort Monroe and the mainland, and passed by the rebels around Hampton Village." Hampton people are right away. The slaves fled from the mainland, and three of these slaves were wiped through the Bermont soldiers, and the next morning, the Slaves were in the morning. "110 Gelzo," 110, is a truly forbidden fugitive, and a mere fugitive, "" Really forbidden escape. Was not easy. " 111 In late July 1861, General Cameron, a good lawyer in Massachusetts, asked the Secretary of Cameron what to escape from the Virginian North Army Front. President Lincoln stated that the purpose of the Civil War was to maintain the federal, but could not cut off slavery issues. One of the first trials of the Lincoln administration in the Civil War was how to deal with the escaped southern slaves. "1861) May .... The first volunteer reconnaissance squad, Vermont, passed through Causeway connecting Fort Monroe and the mainland, and passed by the rebels around Hampton Village." Hampton people are right away. The slaves fled from the mainland, and three of these slaves were wiped through the Bermont soldiers, and the next morning, the Slaves were in the morning. "110 Gelzo," 110, is a truly forbidden fugitive, and a mere fugitive, "" Really forbidden escape. Was not easy. " 111 In late July 1861, General Cameron, a good lawyer in Massachusetts, asked the Secretary of Cameron what to escape from the Virginian North Army Front.

first. How are they? And second, what are their status and condition? By these questions, I want to teach this section. However, the first question can be answered by considering the latter. Are they slaves? Are they free? Are their status of men, women, children, or belongings or mixed relationships? What is their status under the constitution and the law? How was the rebellion and war status in the administration? When I adopted the theory of treating a qualified talented black man who works in trenches as a property that can be used to help rebellion, I was able to smuggle the war.

After further discussing this issue, Butler wrote: If they are not free and free, they should never return if they are sent by the hand holding them and are frenzy. "112 History Thomas J. Goss wrote: The Secretary Cameron had no choice but to warmly approve when he presented a new policy that remained the legal status of the" illusion ". 。 Butler has created a new policy on one of the most divided issues in this war by fusing authority as a officer and talent as a familiar politician. The 113 "smuggling" policy, which was born as a result, will eventually lead to the declaration of slave liberation to a separated state slave. However, the rights of slave owners continued in areas that swear loyalty to the Union. Cameron answered on August 8: "It is the president's hope that all surviving rights will be fully respected and maintained in all states. The war is a war for the federal, and in a state and territory of the federal authority to protect all constitutional rights of each state. What are the secon d-handed forms of the fugitive? I want to tell you the first question by asking the latter. What are the constitution and the result of the war? When we adopted the theory of treating qualified blacks who work in trenches as a property that can be used to help rebellion, we were able to smuggle the war.

After further discussing this issue, Butler wrote: If they are not free and free, they should never return if they are sent by the hand holding them and are frenzy. "112 History Thomas J. Goss wrote: The Secretary Cameron had no choice but to warmly approve when he presented a new policy that remained the legal status of the" illusion ". 。 Butler has created a new policy on one of the most divided issues in this war by fusing authority as a officer and talent as a familiar politician. The 113 "smuggling" policy, which was born as a result, will eventually lead to the declaration of slave liberation to a separated state slave. However, the rights of slave owners continued in areas that swear loyalty to the Union. Cameron answered on August 8: "It is the president's hope that all surviving rights will be fully respected and maintained in all states. The war is a war for the federal, and in a state and territory of the federal authority to protect all constitutional rights of each state. What are the secon d-handed procedures for the fugitive? I want to teach this section, but can they answer the latter? Or what is the constitution and the result of the war? When we adopted the theory of treating qualified talented blacks as a property that can be used to help rebellion, we were able to smuggle the war.

But it is evident that in any State wholly or partly under the control of rebellion, the laws of the United States are so opposed and resisted that they cannot be effectually executed, so that the right to rely on the enforcement of those laws is temporarily lost. It is equally evident, too, that the right to rely on the laws of a State where military operations are being conducted, if not entirely forfeited by the treasonable act of the party asserting it, must necessarily be subordinated to the military necessities arising from the rebellion. To this general rule the right of service can be no exception. 114 Secretary of War Cameron also cited the first segregation law passed by Congress two days earlier, stating, "If any person retained for service serves against the United States, his right to service is forfeited, and such person becomes an enemy; and it follows, therefore, that the claim to service of such a fugitive cannot be recognized by the military authorities of the Union."115 Although the Lincoln administration did not actively pursue the implementation of the Confiscation Act (a second Confiscation Act was passed a year later), the law set the tone for federal policy regarding slavery. Lincoln scholar Frank Williams writes: "Very little property was seized by this act. It was widely seen as an anti-slavery measure because of its emancipation clause, which freed slaves who had "engaged in rebellion." But it did little to free the slaves. Lincoln did much more than that a few months later in his most famous Emancipation Proclamation. 116 Williams writes: "While the military seized enemy property for their own use, the two confiscation laws placed control in the hands of civil officials and civil courts. The procedures in the various judicial districts were so lacking in uniformity that edicts for emancipation were so prominent that they were ignored."

But the civilian authorities had to face another reality: the military campaign and the slave liberation movement. Historian Philip Shaw Paludan writes: "As the war continued, the army had to control thousands of blacks fleeing slavery and seeking military protection. Moreover, the white electorate in both the North and South continued to swell. Southern unionists would be more attracted to conservatives than to radical changes in race relations. Northern moderates and conservatives were watching closely for signs that Lincoln and his administration were not the "unificationists" and "revolutionaries" that the Democrats had presented at the time of the election. In the last election, the race card had been strong. Lincoln knew the power he held. "118 black slaves were used to support the military effort, either directly at the front or back on the plantations. Historian Edna Green Medford writes, "The Confederate Army made ample use of slave labor on the plantations (albeit non-combatant). After first impressing the Confederates with free black men, the rebels secured slave labor (first through the owners' voluntary efforts, and later through impressment)."

The Border and Fremont

Another test for the Lincoln administration was the issuance of a sweeping proclamation by General John C. Frémont in Missouri that included the emancipation of the slaves. This proclamation delighted Unionists in border states such as Kentucky, forcing President Lincoln to order its repeal. Kentucky Unionists Green Adams and James Speed protested Frémont's Emancipation Proclamation in Missouri. They wrote to the president, stating that the General's actions "will be condemned by Congress and the majority of the people of Kentucky." Lincoln responded, "I understand your mission. Don't worry. I will handle the matter."121 After unsuccessfully trying to persuade General Frémont to revoke the proclamation himself, Lincoln ordered the General to revoke it. This appeased the border states, but alienated much of the North. Historian James M. McPherson writes: "Lincoln's repeal of the Frémont Proclamation ended a five-month truce between the abolitionists and the Administration. Any naive hopes that the President would soon realize that the end of slavery was necessary to win the war were gone. Strong criticism of Lincoln began to appear more frequently in abolitionist writings, and there was no time for fistfights and vulgar talk. In the North, conservatives and radicals were in a moral and political conflict over the issue of human freedom." 122

Lincoln told one of the defenders of the Frémont Proclamation, "We did not make a war to destroy slavery, but to get back our flag. To act otherwise at this moment would not only weaken our cause, but would certainly stink of malice. For if the people thought I should use my power to overturn slavery, I should never have had the votes to send me here. Then there would be a mutiny in the army first! We must wait until all other means are exhausted, until this thunder ceases to rumble." 123 Patience was the key to successful emancipation. Premature action could lead to failure.

Since Kentucky is an important strategy of the Ohio River, President Lincoln believes that it is important not to let the state participate in the Southern Alliance. It was a difficult and subtle task. In the spring of 1861 at a meeting in a White House in the Kentucky leader, President Lincoln said: "Do not drive Kentucky independently. Do not drive Kentucky to withdraw. Kentucky's loyalty. If they are in the federal, they will end up in the state of the people who are not represented by the people. At the same time, what kind of people are gaining the trust of the people in Kentucky, which must be stimulated to act for the union. I have to know what kind of person can be the government's support. " If the idiot with the "part of the slave abolition system" shakes, the whole area may fall in the southern army, and for Lincoln, the northern part, and the slabs, everything will end. In the state along the border, there were wheat, corn, meat, and manufacturing industries that were not found in cotton in the southern part. They accounted for more than on e-third of the southern white population. He ruled inland taiga, such as the Ohio River, the Mississippi River, and the Potomac River.

Slave Liberation Kentucky is important in a strategic position of the southern shore of the Ohio River, so it is important to not let the state participate in the Southern Union. It was a difficult and subtle task. In the spring of 1861 at a meeting in a White House in the Kentucky leader, President Lincoln said: "Do not drive Kentucky independently. Do not drive Kentucky to withdraw. Kentucky's loyalty. If they are in the federal, they will end up in the state of the people who are not represented by the people. At the same time, what kind of people are gaining the trust of the people in Kentucky, which must be stimulated to act for the union. I have to know what kind of person can be the government's support. " If the idiot with the "part of the slave abolition system" shakes, the whole area may fall in the southern army, and for Lincoln, the northern part, and the slabs, everything will end. In the state along the border, there were wheat, corn, meat, and manufacturing industries that were not found in cotton in the southern part. They accounted for more than on e-third of the southern white population. He ruled inland taiga, such as the Ohio River, the Mississippi River, and the Potomac River.

Slave Liberation Kentucky is in a strategic position of the southern shore of the Ohio River, so President Lincoln believes that it is important not to let the state participate in the Southern Union. It was a difficult and subtle task. In the spring of 1861 at a meeting in a White House in the Kentucky leader, President Lincoln said: "Do not drive Kentucky independently. Do not drive Kentucky to withdraw. Kentucky's loyalty. If they are in the federal, they will end up in the state of the people who are not represented by the people. At the same time, what kind of people are gaining the trust of the people in Kentucky, which must be stimulated to act for the union. I have to know what kind of person can be the government's support. " If the idiot with the "part of the slave abolition system" shakes, the whole area may fall in the southern army, and for Lincoln, the northern part, and the slabs, everything will end. In the state along the border, there were wheat, corn, meat, and manufacturing industries that were not found in cotton in the southern part. They accounted for more than on e-third of the southern white population. He ruled inland taiga, such as the Ohio River, the Mississippi River, and the Potomac River.

Slave liberation

Lincoln could not afford to deal with the immorality of slavery alone. He had to deal with slavery in the context of the war to preserve the Union. And he had to deal with border slaves like Senator Davis. Only by winning this war could he create the conditions in which slavery could be destroyed. Lincoln legal scholar Paul Finkelman writes: "For Lincoln, there were two crucial issues to consider. The first was timing. Lincoln could attack slavery only if he won the war. If he attacked slavery and did not win the war, he would accomplish nothing. Finkelman also pointed out that "he could only move against slavery once he had secured the border states and was sure that victory was possible." 127 Historian Stephen B. Oates writes that "Lincoln had no choice but to speak of slavery strictly in terms of preserving the Union, because that was the only condition that the white public was likely to accept."128 There was a sharp division between Lincoln's moral and constitutional positions on slavery. President Lincoln declared in his first inaugural address: "One part of our country believes that slavery is right and should be extended; another part believes that it is wrong and should not be extended."129 He also, quoting an earlier speech, said, "I have no intention of interfering, directly or indirectly, with slavery."

President Lincoln had to balance between the pressure from the Express, the Republican Party, which acts hard on the Southern Slaves, and the views in the Federal Federation, which opposes the separation. Historian James Oaks wrote: "Lincoln has opened the path to slave liberation by carefully securing the loyalty of the borders borders, rather than hindering slave liberation. When Missouri, Kentucky, and Maryland were revealed, Lincoln's only slave was releasing slaves on their own. As soon as the first slave owner appealed to the Supreme Court, the Supreme Court of Dready, the Supreme Court of the Supreme, was "smuggled and confiscated. Everyone knew that it could not be released with the federal government, parliamentary, and executive authority. " 132 Lincoln's first attempted to release slave was in the Delaware state in November 1861. Lincoln called the only House of Representatives in the state to the White House and requested the Delaware Congress to establish a compensated slave liberation law. Representatives worked hard, but did not follow the proposal created by the president. President Lincoln had to balance between the pressure from the expressive Republican Party, which acts hard on the Southern Slaves, and the views in the Federal Federation, which opposes the separation independent. Historian James Oaks wrote: "Lincoln has opened the path to slave liberation by carefully securing the loyalty of the borders borders, rather than hindering slave liberation. When Missouri, Kentucky, and Maryland were revealed, Lincoln's only slave was releasing slaves on their own. As soon as the first slave owner appealed to the Supreme Court, the Supreme Court of Dready, the Supreme Court of the Supreme, was "smuggled and confiscated. Everyone knew that it could not be released with the federal government, parliamentary, and executive authority. " 132 Lincoln's first attempted to release slave was in the Delaware state in November 1861. Lincoln called the only House of Representatives in the state to the White House and requested the Delaware Congress to establish a compensated slave liberation law. Representatives worked hard, but did not follow the proposal created by the president. President Lincoln had to balance between the pressure from the Express, the Republican Party, which acts hard on the Southern Slaves, and the views in the Federal Federation, which opposes the separation. Historian James Oaks wrote: "Lincoln has opened the path to slave liberation by carefully securing the loyalty of the borders borders, rather than hindering slave liberation. When Missouri, Kentucky, and Maryland were revealed, Lincoln's only slave was releasing slaves on their own. As soon as the first slave owner appealed to the Supreme Court, the Supreme Court of Dready, the Supreme Court of the Supreme, was "smuggled and confiscated. Everyone knew that it could not be released with the federal government, parliamentary, and executive authority. " 132 Lincoln's first attempted to release slave was in the Delaware state in November 1861. Lincoln called the only House of Representatives in the state to the White House and requested the Delaware Congress to establish a compensated slave liberation law. Representatives worked hard, but did not follow the proposal created by the president.

President Lincoln continued to cooperate with the Bordersteps, believing that there was only a constitutional way to abolish slavery after the constitutional revision was passed in January 1865. A historian James A. Laurie wrote: "Almost everyone agreed that the federal government has no authority to abolish slavery in each state. Lincoln, which supports this interpretation, first. In the inauguration speech, the amendment stated that there was no objection to making it "explicitly and inseparable". With no constitutional authority at the 133 national level, President Lincoln wanted to take legal legal measures. President Lincoln was 500 dollars for all blacks, which were held by the Senator Orville H. Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky, and Missouri, in early December 1861, based on the 1860 census. We are considering a slave liberation plan to pay. In an interview with the same White House, Lincoln said to Browning, "I will have to connect the black colonization plan ...". 134 President Lincoln continued to cooperate with the Bordersteps, believing that there was only a constitutional way to abolish slavery after the constitutional revision was passed in January 1865. A historian James A. Laurie wrote: "Almost everyone agreed that the federal government has no authority to abolish slavery in each state. Lincoln, which supports this interpretation, first. In the inauguration speech, the amendment stated that there was no objection to making it "explicitly and inseparable". With no constitutional authority at the 133 national level, President Lincoln wanted to take legal legal measures. President Lincoln was 500 dollars for all blacks, which were held by the Senator Orville H. Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky, and Missouri, in early December 1861, based on the 1860 census. We are considering a slave liberation plan to pay. In an interview with the same White House, Lincoln said to Browning, "I will have to connect the black colonization plan ...". 134 Lincoln continued to cooperate with the state, believing that there was only a constitutional way to abolish slavery after the constitutional revision was passed in January 1865. A historian James A. Laurie wrote: "Almost everyone agreed that the federal government has no authority to abolish slavery in each state. Lincoln, which supports this interpretation, first. In the inauguration speech, the amendment stated that there was no objection to making it "explicitly and inseparable". With no constitutional authority at the 133 national level, President Lincoln wanted to take legal legal measures. President Lincoln was 500 dollars for all blacks, which were held by the Senator Orville H. Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky, and Missouri, in early December 1861, based on the 1860 census. We are considering a slave liberation plan to pay. In an interview with the same White House, Lincoln said to Browning, "I will have to connect the black colonization plan ...". 134

The President was a realist, especially in order to harmonize the racial future of the United States after the recovery of the coalition, especially in terms of racism. After the Civil War, John Palmer Assasser said, "If it belongs to any political party, it has gained Lincoln's confidence if it helps to maintain the federal." "Lincoln's Interior Secretary Lincoln has left the Ceremony of John Palmer Asher after the Civil War. He both rejected it. He tried to make a friend to maintain the government, not for himself. He clearly sees his own wisdom and foresight, with the ownership of many people. If the state in contact with slave compensation, or if Virginia had maintained the federal, war would not occur, and slavery would have been abolished by agreement and compensation. " In early 1862, in a state where compensation slave liberation with slave liberation and the border, two slave liberation clerks, Moncure Daniel Conway and William H. Channing, met President Lincoln. Conway recalls: "The president has welcomed us, and Channing first expressed his belief that he had been released from slavery, and Lincoln gave this opportunity. Asked how to make use of it. As a person who tells him as a person who has been released from one big evil, he asks him what he should release from slavery. Do you want to be a reward if the federal is over? He said: "I think this country is growing in that direction every day, and there is no hope that something may be achieved for you. President. Is a realisticist, especially in the racial future of the United States after the recovery of the coalition, and after John Palmer Ucher. "Regardless of which political party you belong, if it is helpful to maintain the federal party, you have obtained Lincoln's confidence." "Lincoln's Interior Secretary Lincoln has left the Ceremony of John Palmer Asher after the Civil War. He both rejected it. He tried to make a friend to maintain the government, not for himself. He clearly sees his own wisdom and foresight, with the ownership of many people. If the state in contact with slave compensation, or if Virginia had maintained the federal, war would not occur, and slavery would have been abolished by agreement and compensation. " In early 1862, in a state where compensation slave liberation with slave liberation and the border, two slave liberation clerks, Moncure Daniel Conway and William H. Channing, met President Lincoln. Conway recalls: "The president has welcomed us, and Channing first expressed his belief that he had been released from slavery, and Lincoln gave this opportunity. Asked how to make use of it. As a person who tells him as a person who has been released from one big evil, he asks him what he should release from slavery. Do you want to be a reward if the federal is over? He said: "I think this country is growing in that direction every day, and there is no hope that something may be achieved for you. The President is realism. He was a person, especially in terms of racial future in the United States after the recovery of racial relationships, especially in terms of racials. "If it belongs to which political party, it helps to maintain the federal, it has gained Lincoln's confidence." "Lincoln's Interior Secretary Lincoln has left the Ceremony of John Palmer Asher after the Civil War. He both rejected it. He tried to make a friend to maintain the government, not for himself. He clearly sees his own wisdom and foresight, with the ownership of many people. If the state in contact with slave compensation, or if Virginia had maintained the federal, war would not occur, and slavery would have been abolished by agreement and compensation. " In early 1862, in a state where compensation slave liberation with slave liberation and the border, two slave liberation clerks, Moncure Daniel Conway and William H. Channing, met President Lincoln. Conway recalls: "The president has welcomed us, and Channing first expressed his belief that he had been released from slavery, and Lincoln gave this opportunity. Asked how to make use of it. As a person who tells him as a person who has been released from one big evil, he asks him what he should release from slavery. Do you want to be a reward if the federal is over? He said: "I think this country is growing in that direction every day, and there is no hope that something may be achieved for you.

Perhaps it's a method suggested when you know that your thirsty soul can only get a drink from a pharmacist. He did not feel the charm of the illness, so he asked for a drink and said, "If you don't know your knowledge, you wouldn't have dropped any drops to the creator." "I need the feelings of the ant i-slavery in this country and more. You just need to go home and try to draw people into your own opinion. Do not run away! " And you lose your life.

Lincoln understood that the emotions of the northern slave abolished to balance with the state conservatives in contact with the stat e-bordered state. On March 6, 1862, President Lincoln sent a special message to the Parliamentary Hall to promote compensation for slave liberation. Historian William C. Harris writes: "In the morning when a compensation message was submitted to Congress, Lincoln called Charles Samner, a Senator Charles Samuna, to the administrative official residence and examined the draft. Lincoln's urgent progress. Samuna, the leader of the Massachusetts, hoped that the Samuna would be pleased with the slave release, despite the hope of the federal government to abolish slavery. As suggested in Lincoln's draft, he was not easily convinced that the federal government should clearly guarantee slavery in any reconstruction plan. Samuna rushed to send a message to the President, and quoted an insult from the proposal instead of discussing it.

A few days later, President Lincoln met with the representatives of the border council and discussed the plans for slaves. The House of Representatives, who was elected to Maryland, talked about the memories of this meeting as follows: "This morning, these representatives or the representatives in the town gathered in the White House at the promised time and were a little late. I had an audience. " The remarks show that Lincoln was striving to keep the abolition of slaves in the state of the border area and the northern part of the border: It was probably the thirsty soul in the main state of throat. It is a method that was suggested when you knew that you could only get a drink. He did not feel the charm of the illness, so he asked for a drink and said, "If you don't know your knowledge, you wouldn't have dropped any drops to the creator." "I need the feelings of the ant i-slavery in this country and more. You just need to go home and try to draw people into your own opinion. Do not run away! " And you lose your life.

Lincoln understood that the emotions of the northern slave abolished to balance with the state conservatives in contact with the stat e-bordered state. On March 6, 1862, President Lincoln sent a special message to the Parliamentary Hall to promote compensation for slave liberation. Historian William C. Harris writes: "In the morning when a compensation message was submitted to Congress, Lincoln called Charles Samner, a Senator Charles Samuna, to the administrative official residence and examined the draft. Lincoln's urgent progress. Samuna, the leader of the Massachusetts, was correctly hoped to be pleased with the slave release, despite hoping for the federal government's immediate action to abolish slavery. As suggested in Lincoln's draft, he was not easily convinced that the federal government should clearly guarantee slavery in any reconstruction plan. Samuna rushed to send a message to the President, and quoted an insult from the proposal instead of discussing it.

A few days later, President Lincoln met with the representatives of the border council and discussed the plans for slaves. The House of Representatives, who was elected to Maryland, talked about the memories of this meeting as follows: "This morning, these representatives or the representatives in the town gathered in the White House at the promised time and were a little late. I had an audience. " The remarks show that Lincoln was trying to keep the abolition of slaves in the state of the border and the northern part of the border. It is a method that was suggested when you knew you would not get it. He did not feel the charm of the illness, so he asked for a drink and said, "If you don't know your knowledge, you wouldn't have dropped any drops to the creator." "I need the feelings of the ant i-slavery in this country and more. You just need to go home and try to draw people into your own opinion. Do not run away! " And you lose your life.

After exchanging the usual greetings and us taking our seats, the President practically invited us to discuss with us the explanation of the message of the 6th, that since the message was sent, several gentlemen of the time had visited him, but had avoided any mention of it, leading him to conclude that the introduction of the message had been misunderstood and considered precarious to the interests we represent, and that he had resolved to discuss this erroneous opinion with us and calm our minds. The President then declared that he had no intention of prejudicing the interests of the slaves or offending their sensibilities. On the contrary, his purpose was to protect the one and respect the other. He explained that vast armies were in the field, and must remain in the field as long as the war continued, that these armies, as they advanced, were bound to come into contact with the slaves of the States we represented and other States, that the slaves were coming into the camps and a constant irritation was being maintained, that he was constantly vexed by conflicting and antagonistic grievances. On the one hand, there was a class that complained that the slaves were not protected by the army. It was often found that some shared this opinion and acted in a hostile way against the slaves. On the other hand, the slaves complained that the slaves were not protected by the army.

You have to decide whether or not to hire or not. The government has no right to force them for such a purpose or does not claim. This proposal was not part of his purpose, but he wanted to understand it clearly. He did not expect to be ready to answer him, but we wanted to seriously consider this problem. And we acted as we felt that our duty and the interests of voters were demanding us. Noel of Missouri has not considered slavery in his state a permanent system, which has a natural cause, and cannot be eliminated in slavery. In addition, he and his friends were skeptical of this message due to various interpretations of resolution and message. New York Tribune understood that it would only worsen if he did not accept ste p-b y-step slave liberation according to his proposal plans. The president replied that before the right time came, he should not be able to distract the New York Tribune paper. You won't do that. The president replied that he did not want that. Regarding the release of slaves in Missouri, it is probably true that Noel observed, but this slave release would not be implemented. You have to decide whether or not you hire or not. The government has no right to force them for such a purpose or does not claim. This proposal was not part of his purpose, but he wanted to understand it clearly. He did not expect to be ready to answer him, but we wanted to seriously consider this problem. And we acted as we felt that our duty and the interests of voters were demanding us. Noel of Missouri has not considered slavery in his state a permanent system, which has a natural cause, and cannot be eliminated in slavery. In addition, he and his friends were skeptical of this message due to various interpretations of resolution and message. New York Tribune understood that it would only worsen if he did not accept ste p-b y-step slave liberation according to his proposal plans. The president replied that before the right time came, he should not be able to distract the New York Tribune paper. You won't do that. The president replied that he did not want that. Regarding the release of slaves in Missouri, it is probably true that Noel observed, but this slave release would not be implemented. You have to decide whether or not to hire or not. The government has no right to force them for such a purpose or does not claim. This proposal was not part of his purpose, but he wanted to understand it clearly. He did not expect to be ready to answer him, but he wanted to seriously consider this problem. And we acted as we felt that our duty and the interests of voters were demanding us. Noel of Missouri has not considered slavery in his state a permanent system, which has a natural cause, and cannot be eliminated in slavery. In addition, he and his friends were skeptical of this message due to various interpretations of resolution and message. New York Tribune understood that it would only worsen if he did not accept ste p-b y-step slave liberation according to his proposal plans. The president replied that before the right time came, he should not be able to distract the New York Tribune paper. You won't do that. The president replied that he did not want that. Regarding the release of slaves in Missouri, it is probably true that Noel observed, but this slave release would not be implemented.

Nor is it material which needs repeating to properly understand its meaning. Mr. Crisfield stated that he did not believe that the people of Maryland treated slavery as a permanent institution; but that they would not prefer to be compelled to emancipate their slaves, either by the direct or indirect action of the Government. The President thought it necessary to be briefed on these points before he would consider the proposal. The President replied, "We shall reside in this house for three years, unless we are driven out by natural disaster or Confederate troops." Crisfield quickly added, "If the people of Maryland knew what you have just said, they would consider your proposal with a better heart. It would force us to fight before the time was right." The Governor of Kentucky (Charles A. Wickliffe) asked the President to respect the constitutionality of his plan. The President replied, "Nor is it a matter which needs repeating in order to get its meaning right. Mr. Crisfield said he did not believe that the people of Maryland treated slavery as a permanent institution. But they would not like to be forced to emancipate, either by the direct or indirect action of the government. The President thought it necessary to be informed of these points before he would consider the proposal. The President replied, "We shall reside in this house for three years, unless we are driven out by natural disaster or Confederate troops." Crisfield quickly added, "We shall reside in this house for three years, unless we are driven out by natural disaster or Confederate troops." "Mr. President, if the people of Maryland knew what you have just said, they would consider your proposals with a better heart. To do so would force a quarrel before the proper time had arrived. The Governor of Kentucky (Charles A. Wickliffe) called on the President to respect the constitutionality of his plan. The President replied: "I do not believe that the people of Maryland treat slavery as a permanent institution, nor is it material which needs to be repeated in order to get a proper understanding of its meaning. Mr. Crisfield stated that he did not believe that the people of Maryland treated slavery as a permanent institution, but would not prefer to be compelled to emancipate themselves, either by direct or indirect action of the government. The President thought it necessary to be briefed on these points before he would consider the proposal. The President replied: "Unless we are driven out by natural disaster or by the Confederate troops, we will remain in this house for three years. Mr. Crisfield quickly added: "Mr. President, if the people of Maryland knew what you have just said, they would consider your proposals with a much better heart. To do so would force a quarrel before the proper time had arrived. The Governor of Kentucky (Charles A. Wickliffe) urged the President to respect the constitutionality of his plan. The President replied:

The president said that he witnessed the opposite power and felt it. This is a great responsibility, and all gentlemen must do what they think. Some talked to him and accepted it. But in most cases, they were as cautious and irreverent as us, and could not say how to vote. Also, while Mr. Hall (William A. Hall) stated his thoughts on slavery, I think Hall does not intend to fake his opposition to slavery, and I think slavery is wrong. He said he had to keep thinking so in the future. But what we had to face now was not the problem. Slave system existed, which was also due to the north and south actions. In order to eliminate slavery, not only the southern part but also the northern part must play a morally equal role. He thought that the foundation was wrong and should not exist. However, the rights of property developed from it are acknowledged, and their rights respect them as a completely similar right to other property. He said that such a law is wrong, but the rights of property that arises must be respected. He tried to eliminate painful laws, not by infringing the rights, but encouraging the proposal and providing triggers to realize their proposals.

From March to July 1862, Lincoln tried to accept border states by pushing for compensated slave liberation. On July 12, President Lincoln made a final petition for a compensated slave release at a meeting with his colleagues in the state. In a document response to the July objection, the majority of these colleagues refused to request Lincoln. Historian Armsteaded L. Robinson wrote: "I didn't know the representative of the frontier slave, but Lincoln's offer on July 12 was the last compensation for threatening human property. It was supposed to be a chance, and the state of Lincoln's border was "140 New York. The Times witnessed the opposite power, and it was a great responsibility, and all the gentlemen should do it. In most cases, they were as cautious and irreverent, and Hall (Hall). He said that he did not intend to fake his opposition to slavery, think that slavery is wrong, and he must continue to think so. It was not a problem that we had to face in the northern and southern part, but not only in the north and south. He had to play an equal role, but he thought that it should be wrong, but the right to develop. He respects the right of the property, but does not violate the rights. We tried to eliminate painful laws by encouraging the proposal and providing triggers to realize the proposal.

From March to July 1862, Lincoln tried to accept border states by pushing for compensated slave liberation. On July 12, President Lincoln made a final petition for a compensated slave release at a meeting with his colleagues in the state. In a document response to the July objection, the majority of these colleagues refused to request Lincoln. Historian Armsteaded L. Robinson wrote: "I didn't know the representative of the frontier slave, but Lincoln's offer on July 12 was the last compensation for threatening human property. It was supposed to be a chance, and the state of Lincoln's border was "140 New York. President Times witnessed the opposite power and said this is a great deal of responsibility, and all the gentlemen should accept him. However, in most cases, they were as cautious and irreverent, and Hall (Whole Hall) also said. In response, Hall did not intend to fake slavery, think that slavery is wrong, but we must continue to think so. It was not a problem to be a matter of slavery, not only in the north and south. He had to play an equal role, but he thought that it should be wrong and should not be there, and the rights that have evolved from it. He respects such a right, but the rights of the property that arise from it must be a proposal. They tried to eliminate painful laws by encouraging and providing triggers to realize their proposals.

"The evidence of the president's patriotism of the national peace and prosperity will be abundant in messages sent to the parliament yesterday. Lincoln is how difficult slavery issues. Obviously, he dislikes the slavery in the Gulf, at least in the Gulf. The maximum range of his practice is to eliminate the political influence in the national politics. There is no way to destroy the identity. In consideration of the possibility of discovering one or multiple states, the powerlessness of maintaining slave labor is released. The promise of paying a good condition is clearly provided by the state of the state that the company is generated in the direction of freedom. If you are satisfied with the law that you will not interfere with the law, each state will favor slavery,

Even in the spring of 1862, even when he was claiming to be slave liberation and colonization by compensation, Lincoln was thinking about the slave release declaration in September. According to the Senator John B. Henderson, the Senator selected by Missouri: "As of May 1862, Lincoln told him to issue a slave liberation, and the declaration came into effect in January 1863. The President has a policy for state borders. Hopefully the journalist Walter Stevens wrote: "Missouri's faithful owners' slaves have been submitted. This was the first of the bill, "Kentucky, Pan & Amp; GT? 1862. In the spring of the year, even when he proposed slave liberation and colonization, Lincoln was considering a slave release in September, John B. Henderson. "As of May 1862, Lincoln was telling him to make a slave release declaration, and the declaration came into effect. In the spring of 1862, he claimed to be a slave liberation and colonization in the spring of 1862, hoping for the enforcement of the slave liberation declaration. According to John Henderson, a member of the Senator, who was selected for Missouri, he decided to declare the slave. In January 1863, the President was able to take advantage of the state. He wrote: "The submission of a bill paid to Missouri's faithful owner's slaves was the result of Lincoln's eager support, which was the first of the bill. Kentucky, Mary Land, and other slaves followed by Baisho State, "& amp; lt; gt? According to the Senator John B. Henderson, who was selected in September. He told him his intention to put it out. And the declaration came into effect in January 1863. The President disposed of as much as possible in hopes of the enforcement of the slave liberation declaration. Even in the spring of 1862, even when he was claiming to be slave liberation and colonization by compensation, Lincoln was thinking about the slave release declaration in September. According to the Senator John B. Henderson, the Senator selected by Missouri: "As of May 1862, Lincoln told him to issue a slave liberation, and the declaration came into effect in January 1863. The President has a policy for state borders. Hopefully the journalist Walter Stevens wrote: "Missouri's faithful owners' slaves have been submitted. This was the first of the bill, "Kentucky, Pan & Amp; GT? 1862. In the spring of the year, even when he proposed slave liberation and colonization, Lincoln was considering a slave release in September, John B. Henderson. "As of May 1862, Lincoln was telling him to make a slave release declaration, and the declaration came into effect. In the hope of the enforcement of the slave release declaration, we disposed of as much as possible.

"I don't remember whether Lincoln has broken the bill or I have obtained it, but the inspiration was from Lincoln. I pushed this bill with all my might. The bill has passed the upper and lower hospitals. But somewhat. The Senate was passed in a different way, and the difference in the number of members in the state of Missouri, which had to be adjusted in the meeting. There was not much problem to adjust, but the Senate was submitted to the House of Representatives in the final form of the minority of the House of Representatives. Similarly, President Lincoln was very interesting to see the bill to promote the bill. "And I didn't understand," said the general. "Slave system must be abolished. There was a voluntary offer from the government to compensate for the loss of property of the border zone loyalty." I talked to Missouri and Kentucky members, and other members who were more interested, but I couldn't make them understand. They had an exaggeration of the results. "I don't remember whether Lincoln has won the bill or I have obtained it, but the inspiration was from Lincoln. I pushed this bill with all my might. The bill passed the upper and lower hospitals. However, the Senate was passed in a slightly different way, and the difference was made by the Council of the Missuri, which had to be adjusted in the meeting. There was not much problem to adjust the differences in opinion, but the session was over, and if the House of Representatives had been submitted to the House of Representatives in the final form. Linkan, like the Senate, was very interested in the progress of the bill and made his best to promote the bill. "And I didn't understand," he said. "Slave system must be abolished. There was a voluntary offer from the government to compensate for the loss of property of the border zone loyalty." I talked to Missouri and Kentucky members, and other members who were more interested, but I couldn't make them understand. They had an exaggeration of the results. "I don't remember whether Lincoln has broken the bill or I have obtained it, but the inspiration was from Lincoln. I pushed this bill with all my might. The bill has passed the upper and lower hospitals. But somewhat. The Senate was passed in a different way, and the difference in the number of members in the state of Missouri, which had to be adjusted in the meeting. There was not much problem to adjust, but the Senate was submitted to the House of Representatives in the final form of the minority of the House of Representatives. Similarly, President Lincoln was very interesting to see the bill to promote the bill. "And I didn't understand," said the general. "Slave system must be abolished. There was a voluntary offer from the government to compensate for the loss of property of the border zone loyalty." I talked to Missouri and Kentucky members, and other members who were more interested, but I couldn't make them understand. They had an exaggeration of the results.

Historian William C. Harris writes: Lincoln's stat e-led state plans to release slave liberation ... " Several conservative newspapers, such as the National Intelligence, which have an influence among the unionists in the southern part, supported the president's proposal, but opposed the overwhelming majority of Congress Frontier. They argued that the implementation would be a federal government's direct intervention in the southern slavery. The opposition of John J. Clitenden, a representative of Kentucky, who is currently a member of the House of Representatives, was substantially guaranteed that the borderline would refuse Lincoln's proposal. Congress approved this plan on April 10, but no member of the Diet did not accept this plan. "According to the 143 Kentucky slave abolitioner, Kasias Clay, Lincoln responded to his pressure calling for slave liberation and invited him to the White House:" I thought about you, but our slave liberation. Is the Kentucky Congress open for a few weeks after the Kentucky Council? William C. Harris writes: Lincoln's stat e-led plans are planning slave liberation plan. Several conservative newspapers, such as the National Intelligence, which have an influence among the unionists in the southern part, supported the president's proposal, but opposed the overwhelming majority of Congress Frontier. They argued that the implementation would be a federal government's direct intervention in the southern slavery. The opposition of John J. Clitenden, a representative of Kentucky, who is currently a member of the House of Representatives, was substantially guaranteed that the borderline would refuse Lincoln's proposal. Congress approved this plan on April 10, but no member of the Diet did not accept this plan. "According to the 143 Kentucky slave abolitioner, Kasias Clay, Lincoln responded to his pressure calling for slave liberation and invited him to the White House:" I thought about you, but our slave liberation. Is the Kentucky Congress open for a few weeks after the Kentucky Council? ・ Harris writes: Lincoln's stat e-led slave release plan ... ”. Several conservative newspapers, such as the National Intelligence, which have an influence among the unionists in the southern part, supported the president's proposal, but opposed the overwhelming majority of Congress Frontier. They argued that the implementation would be a federal government's direct intervention in the southern slavery. The opposition of John J. Clitenden, a representative of Kentucky, who is currently a member of the House of Representatives, was substantially guaranteed that the borderline would refuse Lincoln's proposal. Congress approved this plan on April 10, but no member of the Diet did not accept this plan. "According to the 143 Kentucky slave abolitioner, Kasias Clay, Lincoln responded to his pressure calling for slave liberation and invited him to the White House:" I thought about you, but our slave liberation. Is the Kentucky Council opened a few weeks after the Kentucky Council?

While the pioneers were trying to liberate slaves, President Lincoln tried to suppress the abolition of slaves and express the Republican party. To achieve the goal of slave liberation, maintaining the federal was indispensable. Slaves that do not maintain the coalition are meaningless. The Proligent's Rhinhold Neider writes: "The main cause of tension between Lincoln and the abolition of slaves is that he was reluctant to slave liberation. It was not a political calculation of a responsible politician to maintain the state of loyalty. 145 Historicist Philip Show Pardin wrote: "Lincoln had to put black slave liberation in a package that accepts white people. The Allies were almost universal ideals in the north. But Lincoln preached to the choir, but it is a very conservative goal of releasing other people's slaves. We had to gather them and reassure them, "146 These two problems were on e-sided, but carefully described these two relationships. Historian, David H. Donald, wrote: "While trying to move the pioneers to slaves, President Lincolners and the Slave abolitioner In order to reduce the school, it is meaningless to maintain the Federal Liberation. "The main cause of the tension between Lincoln and the abolition of slaves is that he was reluctant to release slaves. This passability was not personal. It is a stat e-border state. It was a politician politician to maintain loyalty (Lincoln accuses the Governor who has released his slaves in these states). Writing: "Lincoln had to put black slave liberation in a package that accepts white people. The Union was an almost universal ideal in the northern part. Lincoln preached to the choir here. However, they are a big choir, and the very dramatic acts of releasing another person's slaves will be made for a very conservative goal of protecting their union. I had to collect and reassure me, "The two problems were the same, but I had to pay attention to the two relationships. His historian David H. Donald wrote: "While trying to move ST. pioneers to slaves, President Lincoln has tried to suppress the abolition of slaves and the Republican express. In order to achieve the goal, it is meaningless to maintain the Federation, which is indispensable. The main cause of the tension was that this was a reluctant politics to maintain the state of the state. It was a political calculation (Lincoln blamed the Governor of the State who released the slaves in these states): "Lincoln is a black slave. The liberation had to be put in a package that accepted white people, but it was a large choir, which was a large choir. We had to gather and reassure them that a very dramatic act of releasing slaves would be done for a very conservative goal of protecting our coalition. "146 These two problems were two sides of the same coin, but President Lincoln had to pay attention to how to express these two relationships. Historian David H. Donald wrote: "ST.

Pro-slavery activists such as Massachusetts Senator Charles Sumner were often frustrated by the president's antislavery policies, but they also sometimes came to appreciate his strategies. Republican leader Carl Schurz wrote in his memoirs: "I sympathized with Sumner, but at the same time I came to understand Mr. Lincoln. He frankly stated that, as the head of the government, he considered the saving of the Union to be the most important task to be accomplished, with or without the destruction of slavery. He was equally sincere in his belief that if the destruction of slavery should prove a necessary means to save the Union, it would also prove its own merit. He saw the necessity of rapidly approaching emancipation by governmental action, and, for the benefit of whites as well as blacks, he wished that emancipation should be effected gradually, if it could be effected gradually under present circumstances. He was also prepared to abruptly emancipate the slaves if circumstances should give no choice. But he would delay any decisive step until he was reasonably sure that it could be taken without the risk of causing a fatal disintegration of the forces cooperating in the struggle for unity. If this struggle failed, he maintained, the Emancipation Proclamation would be like the martial law of the Pope. Pro-slavery sympathizers like Massachusetts Senator Charles Sumner often chafed at the president's anti-slavery policies, but they also came to appreciate his strategies. Republican leader Carl Schurz wrote in his memoirs: "I had sympathy for Sumner, but at the same time I came to understand Mr. Lincoln. He frankly stated that, as head of the government, he considered the saving of the Union to be the paramount task to be accomplished, with or without the destruction of slavery. He was equally sincere in his belief that if the destruction of slavery proved to be a necessary means to save the Union, it would also prove to be a merit in itself. He saw the necessity of rapidly approaching emancipation by governmental action, and, for the benefit of whites as well as blacks, he wished it to be done gradually, if it could be done gradually under present circumstances. He was also prepared to emancipate the slaves suddenly, if circumstances gave no choice. But he would delay any decisive step until he was reasonably sure that it could be done without the risk of causing a fatal breakdown of the forces cooperating in the struggle for unity. If this struggle failed, he maintained, the Emancipation Proclamation would be like the Pope's martial law. Pro-exploitationists, such as Senator Charles Sumner of Massachusetts, were often frustrated by the president's anti-slavery policies, but they sometimes came to appreciate his strategy. Republican leader Carl Schurz wrote in his memoirs: "I sympathized with Sumner, but at the same time I came to understand Mr. Lincoln. He frankly stated that, as the head of the government, he considered the saving of the Union the paramount task to be accomplished, with or without the destruction of slavery. He was equally sincere in his belief that if the destruction of slavery should prove a necessary means to save the Union, it would prove its destruction on its own merits. He saw the necessity for the rapid approach of emancipation by governmental action, and, for the benefit of white as well as black people, he wished that it should be effected gradually, if under present circumstances it could be effected gradually. He was also prepared to emancipate the slaves suddenly, if circumstances should give them no choice. But he would delay any decisive step until he was reasonably sure that it could be taken without the risk of causing a fatal breakdown of the forces cooperating in the struggle for a unified unity. If this struggle failed, he maintained, the Emancipation Proclamation would be like martial law from the Pope.

President Lincoln had to manage not only political attitudes for slave liberation but also military opinions. His historian Bell Irvin Wiley wrote: "Nothing seems to have criticized the army as many of Lincoln's problems with the troublesome black problem. Slave abolitionists. The soldiers criticized them strictly that they did not hit slavery earlier, but were accused of permanent slaves, especially disgusting people. He was only a minority, and the opposition to the liberation of the Classes was more than a friend. "How to develop a military pressure for slave liberation, such an claim was developed, especially among the Irish soldiers in the neighboring area. I am surprised that it was rare. " Some generals have strongly opposed slaves for political reasons, such as George B.) Macran, (Don Carlos) Buuel, (John A.) Dicks. A small number of generals who defend slavery, such as John C. Fremont, David Hunter, and John Felps, had clearly political intentions. However, most senior commanders only believed that slave liberation was politically complicated.

Business and empowerment in Colombia Special Zone

Slave release succeeded early. A historian Don E. Ferenbacher wrote: "Lincoln is a symbol of slavery in the United States, as it has been a long time by coincidence and intention, and has been inaugurated. went". 151 About 14 months later, the fort was destroyed. It was on April 16, 1862 that the release of the Colombia Special Ward was on April 16, 1862. President Lincoln has signed a bill to offset slave liberation in the capital. President Lincoln had to manage not only political attitudes for slave liberation but also military opinions. His historian Bell Irvin Wiley wrote: "Nothing seems to have criticized the army as many of Lincoln's problems with the troublesome black problem. Slave abolitionists. The soldiers criticized them strictly that they did not hit slavery earlier, but were accused of permanent slaves, especially disgusting people. He was only a minority, and the opposition to the liberation of the Classes was more than a friend. "How to develop a military pressure for slave liberation, such an claim was developed, especially among the Irish soldiers in the neighboring area. I am surprised that it was rare. " Some generals have strongly opposed slaves for political reasons, such as George B.) Macran, (Don Carlos) Buuel, (John A.) Dicks. A small number of generals who defend slavery, such as John C. Fremont, David Hunter, and John Felps, had clearly political intentions. However, most senior commanders only believed that slave liberation was politically complicated.

Business and empowerment in Colombia Special Zone

Slave release succeeded early. A historian Don E. Ferenbacher wrote: "Lincoln is a symbol of slavery in the United States, as it has been a long time by coincidence and intention, and has been inaugurated. went". 151 About 14 months later, the fort was destroyed. It was on April 16, 1862 that the release of the Colombia Special Ward was on April 16, 1862. President Lincoln has signed a bill to offset slave liberation in the capital. President Lincoln had to manage not only political attitudes for slave liberation but also military opinions. His historian Bell Irvin Wiley wrote: "Nothing seems to have criticized the army as many of Lincoln's problems with the troublesome black problem. Slave abolitionists. The soldiers criticized them strictly that they did not hit slavery earlier, but were accused of permanent slaves, especially disgusting people. He was only a minority, and the opposition to the liberation of the Classes was more than a friend. "How to develop a military pressure for slave liberation, such an claim was developed, especially among the Irish soldiers in the neighboring area. I am surprised that it was rare. " Some generals have strongly opposed slaves for political reasons, such as George B.) Macran, (Don Carlos) Buuel, (John A.) Dicks. A small number of generals who defend slavery, such as John C. Fremont, David Hunter, and John Felps, had clearly political intentions. However, most senior commanders only believed that slave liberation was politically complicated.

Business and empowerment in Colombia Special Zone

Slave release succeeded early. A historian Don E. Ferenbacher wrote: "Lincoln is a symbol of slavery in the United States, as it has been a long time by coincidence and intention, and has been inaugurated. went". 151 About 14 months later, the fort was destroyed. It was on April 16, 1862 that the release of the Colombia Special Ward was on April 16, 1862. President Lincoln has signed a bill to offset slave liberation in the capital.

Unlike the southern state, the parliament was overwhelmed by the capital of the capital. Historian Allen C. Gelzo wrote: "With the outbreak of the war, the Washington's slavery was wrapped in a Dickens farc e-like atmosphere. Slaves were still legal, but Washington is. The capital of the Slaves and the War, the first firing in the Samurt, all of the slaves that can be reached by walking or horse riding appeared as a promised land. Senator John Shaman said, "Slaves were found in Colombia's special ward, but it existed in the calmest, there. There were 3. 181 slaves, 60. 785 white people, and were mostly hired as a fre e-black paradise. Sherman continued:

At the beginning of the war, a considerable number of slaves escaped from the dishonest husband in Virginia and Maryland, seeking safety on the Japanese front, and found a job in the special Colombia ward. As the war approached, most of the slaves in the Colombia special ward were relocated to virginia and other southern states by the owner, and in 1862, 1, 500 slaves in the Colombia special ward, perhaps 1, 000 people. While it was estimated to have been not, the number of free slaves increased to 15, 000. Of course, when Virginia was separated, there was no attempt to collect slaves that fled from the state, and they were virtually free. 153 Unlike the southern state, the parliament was jurisd by the capital of the capital. Historian Allen C. Gelzo wrote: "With the outbreak of the war, the Washington's slavery was wrapped in a Dickens farc e-like atmosphere. Slaves were still legal, but Washington is. The capital of the Slaves and the War, the first firing in the Samurt, all of the slaves that can be reached by walking or horse riding appeared as a promised land. Senator John Shaman said, "Slaves were founded in the Columbia Special Zone, but it existed in the calmest form. According to the 1860 census, 11. 107 free blacks in the Colombia Special Zone. There were 3. 181 slaves, 60. 785 white people, and were mostly hired as a fre e-black paradise. Sherman continued:

At the beginning of the war, a considerable number of slaves escaped from the dishonest husband in Virginia and Maryland, seeking safety on the Japanese front, and found a job in the special Colombia ward. As the war approached, most of the slaves in the Colombia special ward were relocated to virginia and other southern states by the owner, and in 1862, 1, 500 slaves in the Colombia special ward, perhaps 1, 000 people. While it was estimated to have been not, the number of free slaves increased to 15, 000. Of course, when Virginia was separated, there was no attempt to collect slaves that fled from the state, and they were virtually free. 153 Unlike the southern state, the parliament was jurisd by the capital of the capital. Historian Allen C. Gelzo wrote: "With the outbreak of the war, the Washington's slavery was wrapped in a Dickens farc e-like atmosphere. Slaves were still legal, but Washington is. It is the capital of the Slaves and the Samurder, and from the first firing in the Samurt, it appeared as a promised place in the mind of all slaves on foot or riding. Senator John Shaman said, "Slaves were found in Colombia's special ward, but it existed in the calmest, there. There were 3. 181 slaves, 60. 785 white people, and were mostly hired as a fre e-black paradise. Sherman continued:

When the war began, a considerable number of slaves escaped from the dishonest husband in Virginia and Mary Land, seeking safety on Japan's front, and found a job in the special Colombia ward. As the war approached, most of the slaves in the Colombia special ward were relocated to virginia and other southern states by the owner, and in 1862, 1, 500 slaves in the Colombia special ward, perhaps 1, 000 people. While it was estimated to have been unfortunate, the number of free slaves increased to 15, 000. Of course, when Virginia was separated, there was no attempt to collect slaves that fled from the state, and they were virtually free. 153

President Lincoln states: "In 1849, we proposed abolition of slavery in this capital, and when we could not hold a hearing, we did not dream of realizing it so quickly." 154 Lincoln Law scholar Paul Finkerman said the voluntary colonization provisions in the DC slave release bill, "SOPs thrown by conservatives and racist who are afraid of free black population. It is obvious, "By 1862, there were more free blacks in the capital. 155 Slaves Liberation were" Washington's Blacks were pleased. Especially forecast Lincoln's actions. The blacks who had been hiding for many days were afraid that they might be driven out by the owner, and the blacken's Hiland HiGHLAND, a fellow black person, celebrated the constitution. 156 suggested, "Let's sing thre e-yea r-olds to Union, President, and John Brown."

After President Lincoln signed a slave liberation bill in the Columbia Ward, Brooklyn's evangelist Henry Ward Beach said: "The capital of our government has been recovered from a stigma and is ashamed of being a slave. Abraham Lincoln is definitely worth seeing, but it is a new law! Ernest B. Ferguson wrote: "The black leaders in the city tried to control their new responsibilities, but in the black residential area. The Mint Trel Spiritual was seen with a devout spiritual spiritual: African Americans wrote: "I shouldn't be happy to see so many people. If I was drinking, I would just go to a sudden seat full of joy, but I can only pray and bless God. When the preachers preached, some worshipers could not hold back and screamed. "158 President Lincoln said:" I did not dream that it would be realized so quickly when I proposed abolition of slavery in this capital in 1849 and could not hold a public hearing. " 154 Lincoln Law scholar Paul Finkerman said the voluntary colonization provisions in the DC slave release bill, "SOPs thrown by conservatives and racist who are afraid of free black population. It is obvious, "By 1862, there were more free blacks in the capital. 155 Slaves Liberation were" Washington's Blacks were pleased. Especially forecast Lincoln's actions. The blacks who had been hiding for many days were afraid that they might be driven out by the owner, and the blacken's Hiland HiGHLAND, a fellow black person, celebrated the constitution. 156 suggested, "Let's sing thre e-yea r-olds to Union, President, and John Brown."

After President Lincoln signed a slave liberation bill in the Columbia Ward, Brooklyn's evangelist Henry Ward Beach said: "The capital of our government has been recovered from a stigma and is ashamed of being a slave. Abraham Lincoln is definitely worth seeing, but it is a new law! Ernest B. Ferguson wrote: "The black leaders in the city tried to control their new responsibilities, but in the black residential area. The Mint Trel Spiritual was seen with a devout spiritual spiritual: African Americans wrote: "I shouldn't be happy to see so many people. If I was drinking, I would just go to a sudden seat full of joy, but I can only pray and bless God. When the preachers preached, some worshipers could not hold back and screamed. "President 158 said:" In 1849, we proposed the abolition of slavery in this capital, and when we could not hold public hearings, we did not dream of realizing it so quickly. " 154 Lincoln Law scholar Paul Finkerman said the voluntary colonization provisions in the DC slave release bill, "SOPs thrown by conservatives and racist who are afraid of free black population. It is obvious, "By 1862, there were more free blacks in the capital. 155 Slaves Liberation were" Washington's Blacks were pleased. Especially forecast Lincoln's actions. The blacks who had been hiding for many days were afraid that they might be driven out by the owner, and the blacken's Hiland HiGHLAND, a fellow black person, celebrated the constitution. 156 suggested, "Let's sing thre e-yea r-olds to Union, President, and John Brown."

Still, the enforcement of the new law was not easy. The capital is an island of slave liberation south of the slave Maryland, causing its own pressure on the Lincoln administration, which had to judge slaves that fled to Washington from Maryland. Slave liberation was easily declared, even in small towns like the capital, rather than incorporation. Lincoln researcher Ernest B. Ferguson writes: "A committee consisting of three men appointed by the President for more than 90 days in 1862 sits there and seeks to compensate for slave liberation. The loyalty was determined, and a total of 966 were determined, and the average amount of the slave was approved. Hundreds of dollars, with hundreds of dollars, visited the locals in the hope of liberation. 159

President Lincoln had his personal interest in the fate of newly arrived slaves and smugglers. Former Mary Land, Mary Dyne, was working as a cock in a soldier's house where Lincoln's family stayed during the summer. She was also the leader of a nearby camp. A historian Matthew Pinsker wrote: "After the war, Mary Dyne has stopped by President Lincoln to visit and talk to a former slave. 。 She reminded me of the president and Mary Lincoln when she came to listen to a specially arranged music performance with the small aides of the visitors. Dyne's conducting a spiritual new song such as "Nobody Knows What Trouble I See But Jesus" and "Every Time I Feel The Spirit" were sung. When he finished singing, the cock was surprised to see the president wiping his tears with his bare hands. Fast, fast. Dyne recalled that even when "real ol d-time people forgot that they had the president and began to shout loudly," he said, "The president did not laugh, stood like a stone and bowed down." 。 John Brown's body said, "The president was even singing in a sweet voice." "160

The assimilation of free blacks into the national economy and society was an issue that extended far beyond the capital, and it clearly concerned Lincoln, who was concerned about the aftermath of emancipation. He fully understood that racism extended to both the North and the South. Historian Norman A. Graebner has argued that Lincoln understood that emancipation "would not address the great social problems of the South." 161 Historian Allan Nevins writes: "The main source of the conflict was the question of slavery and its complement, the question of racial regulation. The chief cause of the tragedy was the refusal of each section to confront these intertwined issues and to pay the heavy price for a peaceful solution." According to Nevins, "It was a war over slavery and the future status of the Negro race in North America. Would the shift in power resulting from Lincoln's election allow the Negroes to take the first steps toward an ultimate status of economic, political, and social equality with the whites? Or would they remain unchanged for the next 100 years in an inferior and conciliatory position, just as they had essentially remained for the past 100? Such questions were implicit in Lincoln's request that the nation be placed in a position where it could be assured that slavery would eventually disappear." 162

From late spring to early summer in 1862, the movement calling for slave liberation increased. History James M. Mcwendel Philips has praised the president's beauty for more than two months since he met Lincoln in March and predicted the abolition of slavery. But in June, Philips's patience was dangerously weak. He began to question the policy to support the administration. "The Cabinet is afraid of the opposition than its support," he told Charles Samunner. "Let's make us feel that we can criticize and ask questions as well as the state and conservatives that are borders." Philips has threatened the Republican Party to refrain from supplying supplies, unless the administration has taken more urgent policies. "Lincoln is trying to break the union, twice as much as Davis today." We have paid thousands of lives and millions of money as a punishment for a timid and ignorant president. It was very natural that the express group was angry at the deity of Davis as a "great slave liberator" and was resentful. Even if their concern that peace might come before slave liberation, the president has not done anything to relieve it. In fact, if the southern part surrendered in 1861, or from late spring to early summer in 1862, the movement calling for slave liberation increased. History James M. Mcwendel Philips has praised the president's beauty for more than two months since he met Lincoln in March and predicted the abolition of slavery. But in June, Philips's patience was dangerously weak. He began to question the policy to support the administration. "The Cabinet is afraid of the opposition than its support," he told Charles Samunner. "Let's make us feel that we can criticize and ask questions as well as the state and conservatives borders." Philips has threatened the Republican Party to refrain from supplying supplies, unless the administration has taken more urgent policies. "Lincoln is trying to break the union, twice as much as Davis today." We have paid thousands of lives and millions of money as a punishment for a timid and ignorant president. It was very natural that the express group was angry at the deity of Davis as a "great slave liberator" and was resentful. Even if their concern that peace might come before slave liberation, the president has not done anything to relieve it. In fact, if the southern part surrendered in 1861, or from late spring to early summer in 1862, the movement calling for slave liberation increased. History James M. Mcwendel Philips has praised the president's beauty for more than two months since he met Lincoln in March and predicted the abolition of slavery. But in June, Philips's patience was dangerously weak. He began to question the policy to support the administration. "The Cabinet is afraid of the opposition than its support," he told Charles Samunner. "Let's make us feel that we can criticize and ask questions as well as the state and conservatives that are borders." Philips has threatened the Republican Party to refrain from supplying supplies, unless the administration has taken more urgent policies. "Lincoln is trying to break the union, twice as much as Davis today." We have paid thousands of lives and millions of money as a punishment for a timid and ignorant president. It was very natural that the express group was angry at the deity of Davis as a "great slave liberator" and was resentful. Even if their concern that peace might come before slave liberation, the president has not done anything to relieve it. In fact, if the southern part surrenders in 1861 or

Lincoln's slow pace was also partly due to the efforts to persuade Frontier's representatives to compensate for slave liberation. In March, May, and July 1862, when I continued to appeal to the state of the border to support the liberation with compensated slave, I am a military release and armament unless it is blocked by this measure. Lincoln himself wrote in 1864, with an indispensable necessity and believing that blacks will come. " "The 165 historian Matthew Pinsker, the configuration of the declaration of the slave liberation, was controversial, pushing the slave liberation problem on July 17, 1862, acknowledging the confiscation of slaves by separation groups. He argued that it was a response to passing the next death method. The moderate parties were not satisfied for the conservative votes, who were consistently voting for the liberation and confiscation of slaves and confiscation. "The pace of Lincoln was slow to compensate for the release of the slave liberation. March 1862. March 1862. March 1862. In May and July, when I continued to appeal to the states of the border to support the liberation with compensation, I, unless I was stopped by this measure, the essential need for military liberation and armed. I believed that blacks would come, "Lincoln himself wrote in 1864. "The 165 historian Matthew Pinsker, the configuration of the declaration of the slave liberation, was controversial, pushing the slave liberation problem on July 17, 1862, acknowledging the confiscation of slaves by separation groups. He argued that it was a response to passing the next death method. The moderate parties were not satisfied for the conservative votes, who were consistently voting for the liberation and confiscation of slaves and confiscation. "The slow pace of Lincoln was slow to compensate for slave liberation. March and May 1862. In July, when I continued to appeal to the state of the border to support compensated slave liberation, I have the essential need for military liberation and armed unless it is stopped by this measure. Lincoln himself wrote in 1864, believing that blacks would come. " "The 165 historian Matthew Pinsker, the configuration of the declaration of the slave liberation, was controversial, pushing the slave liberation problem on July 17, 1862, acknowledging the confiscation of slaves by separation groups. He argued that it was a response to passing the next death method. The moderate parties were not satisfied for the conservative votes, who were consistently voting for the liberation and confiscation of slaves and confiscation. "166"

According to historian Allen Guelzo, Lincoln delayed signing the Second Confiscation Act in July 1862. "It is not difficult to see why Lincoln hesitated. For one thing, the timing could not have been worse. Lincoln did not see the wisdom of threatening to seize property from people who had just proven that they would fight to protect it."167 The bill was controversial. Senator Lyman Trumbull of Illinois was its chief supporter. Another friend of Illinois, Senator Orville H. Browning, was the leading opponent and vetoed it. Historian Matthew Pinsker has concluded that it was likely that Lincoln wrote the first draft of the Emancipation Proclamation in the White House on Sunday, July 20, shortly after the Sedition Act was passed. Pinsker writes that "political necessity was as important as military necessity in the drafting of the actual emancipation act." 168 Lincoln had to check the emancipation process and address the ambiguities of the law. Pinsker writes that "the bill was in fact more complicated than it appeared." It provided access to federal courts and a series of vaguely described legal procedures for resolving contested cases. But the bill did not include the guarantees of "personal liberty" necessary to help freedmen.

It is clear in the early 1862 that Lincoln was moving forward to liberation. In July, a few days before Lincoln submitted a slave liberation plan to the Cabinet, the assistant officer John Hay wrote: "The President himself is the best profit for mankind, for one year, he has been one year. But he would not be able to maintain this rebellious and unknown villain for a long time. Even now, he says more strictly to the slaves to the people. The declaration was not impulsive, but, as he said in 1837, it was the fruit of the "slave rescue" in the fourth century, like bad politics. " Laurie writes: "Slave liberation has completely positioned his lon g-standing accusations of slavery immortal virtue and his belief that slav e-control is the only threatening of the coalition." 。 "Lincoln's heart has been completely solidified by July 1862, and I only thought about it at that time," said Herman Berz, 171 historian Herman Berz. For example, the first slave liberation document he had brokered in July was significantly different from the declaration he had subsequently issued. In the July declaration draft warning everyone to return to the submit to submit to a submit to a submitment method, repeated L

Lincoln's approach was not to please all the people opposed to slavery. Historian, C. Gelzo, pointed out: "Lincoln has led to slaves liberation through a completely different road from the road that slaves abolished. Lincoln, while Lincoln, liked the slave owner of slaves, who had a slave abolition, preached from his passion and patience. However, although the constitutional sanctions on slavery were eliminated, Lincoln did not oppose slavery more than the constitution. Lincoln was a naturally not defined by John Rock, which was not possible. It is clear that Lincoln submitted a slave liberation plan, John Hay, wrote: For one year, he would have been a lon g-standing breakwater that he thought. Even if he speaks, he will not be a more strict, "170 historian A. ・ Laurie writes: The slave release declaration is not impulsive, but as he said in 1837, the fruit of the 4th century “slave relief” was based on the same incident. It was. " Laurie writes: "Slave liberation has completely positioned his lon g-standing accusations of slavery immortal virtue and his belief that slav e-control is the only threatening of the coalition." 。 "Lincoln's heart has been completely solidified by July 1862, and I only thought about it at that time," said Herman Berz, 171 historian Herman Berz. For example, the first slave liberation document he had brokered in July was significantly different from the declaration he had subsequently issued. In the July declaration draft warning everyone to return to the submit to submit to a submit to a submitment method, repeated L

Lincoln's approach was not to please all the people opposed to slavery. Historian, C. Gelzo, pointed out: "Lincoln has led to slaves liberation through a completely different road from the road that slaves abolished. Lincoln, while Lincoln, liked the slave owner of slaves, who had a slave abolition, preached from his passion and patience. However, although the constitutional sanctions on slavery were eliminated, Lincoln did not oppose slavery more than the constitution. Lincoln was a naturally defined equality, following John Rock's tradition. It is clear, John Hay wrote a few days before Lincoln submitted a slave liberation to the Cabinet: "The President himself is the best profit for mankind. For one year, he would have been a breakthrough, but he would not be able to maintain this rebellion. Even now, even more strictly to the people, James A. Rory, even more strict. Writing: The declaration of slave release is not impulsive, but as he said in 1837, it was the fruit of the 4th century "slave relief", which was based on the same incident as bad politics. " 。 Laurie writes: "Slave liberation has completely positioned his lon g-standing accusations of slavery immortal virtue and his belief that slav e-control is the only threatening of the coalition." 。 "Lincoln's heart has been completely solidified by July 1862, and I only thought about it at that time," said Herman Berz, 171 historian Herman Berz. For example, the first slave liberation document he had brokered in July was significantly different from the declaration he had subsequently issued. In the July declaration draft warning everyone to return to the submit to submit to a submit to a submitment method, repeated L

In the summer of 1862, the president was dealing with the major pressure in public opinion. Lincoln's historian Hans L. Trefus wrote: "I was generally unable to decide on Lincoln's plan, but all types of expressmates continued to put pressure on the administration. Two days after the Cabinet, the New York Chamber of Commerce and Industry made a resolution from the Cabinet on August 3 to use the relief. "If you quote his own words, it will be the 10th or 20th time, but it encourages his favorite plans to release slaves due to local military behavior, and Hores Greylie is famous on August 20. "20 million prayer" was announced in New York Tribune. This editorial is a Lincoln to ask the President to take into account the fact that slavery is a rebellious cause of rebellion and the foundation that supports it, and declares the slave of rebels. I urged it. On September 7, ... a public rally by all religions held in Chicago, a memorial sentence supporting slave liberation, and the document was submitted to the President a week later. Furthermore, the country's governor was preparing to hold a meeting in Altuna, Pennsylvania in the second half of the month. It was an open secret. In the summer of 1862, the president was dealing with great pressure in public opinion. Lincoln's historian Hans L. Trefus wrote: "I was generally unable to decide on Lincoln's plan, but all types of expressmates continued to put pressure on the administration. Two days after the Cabinet, the New York Chamber of Commerce and Industry made a resolution from the Cabinet on August 3 to use the relief. "If you quote his own words, it will be the 10th or 20th time, but it encourages his favorite plans to release slaves due to local military behavior, and Hores Greylie is famous on August 20. "20 million prayer" was announced in New York Tribune. This editorial is a Lincoln to ask the President to take into account the fact that slavery is a rebellious cause of rebellion and the foundation that supports it, and declares the slave of rebels. I urged it. On September 7, ... a public rally by all religions held in Chicago, a memorial sentence supporting slave liberation, and the document was submitted to the President a week later. Furthermore, the country's governor was preparing to hold a meeting in Altuna, Pennsylvania in the second half of the month. It was an open secret. In the summer of 1862, the president was dealing with the major pressure in public opinion. Lincoln's historian Hans L. Trefus wrote: "I was generally unable to decide on Lincoln's plan, but all types of expressmates continued to put pressure on the administration. Two days after the Cabinet, the New York Chamber of Commerce and Industry made a resolution from the Cabinet on August 3 to use the relief. "If you quote his own words, it will be the 10th or 20th time, but it encourages his favorite plans to release slaves due to local military behavior, and Hores Greylie is famous on August 20. "20 million prayer" was announced in New York Tribune. This editorial is a Lincoln to ask the President to take into account the fact that slavery is a rebellious cause of rebellion and the foundation that supports it, and declares the slave of rebels. I urged it. On September 7, ... a public rally by all religions held in Chicago, a memorial sentence supporting slave liberation, and the document was submitted to the President a week later. Furthermore, the country's governor was preparing to hold a meeting in Altuna, Pennsylvania in the second half of the month. It was an open secret.

In the summer of 1862, Lincoln warmed to northern public opinion by siding with conservatives who believed that preserving the Union should be the sole goal and that establishing colonies overseas was the only solution to the racial problem. A key factor was his response to an open letter from Horace Greeley, editor of the New York Tribune. Historian Don E. Fehrenbacher writes that Lincoln's response to the letter "would be misread as merely an expression of Lincoln's political and moral priorities. Lincoln's apparent neutrality on slavery was misleading and deliberate. In fact, he had already been preparing for the coming of the Civil War by promising to emancipate the slaves, drafting the proclamation, and communicating with Greeley. Preserving the Union had become an end in itself; it was also a necessary means to achieving emancipation. But Lincoln was compelled for political and strategic reasons to take the opposite position, seeing emancipation as a means, and perhaps a necessary means, to save the Union." Lincoln understood that the Emancipation Proclamation would be interpreted differently at home and abroad. In the summer of 1862, Lincoln actively promoted the Emancipation Proclamation, aligning himself with conservatives who believed that preserving the Union should be the sole goal and that establishing colonies overseas was the only solution to the racial problem. A key factor was his response to an open letter from Horace Greeley, editor of the New York Tribune. Historian Don E. Fehrenbacher writes that Lincoln's response to this letter, "Greeley" ("I have not written a letter to the president of the United States of America"), would be misconstrued as merely an expression of Lincoln's political and moral priorities. Lincoln's apparent neutrality on slavery was misleading and deliberate. In fact, he had already committed himself to emancipation, drafted the Proclamation, and, through his correspondence with Greeley, was preparing for "the coming of the Civil War." Preserving the Union had become an end in itself. It was also a necessary means to achieving emancipation. But Lincoln, for politically strategic reasons, was compelled to take the opposite position, seeing emancipation as a means, and perhaps a necessary means, to save the Union." Lincoln understood that the Emancipation Proclamation would be interpreted differently at home and abroad. In the summer of 1862, Lincoln actively promoted the Emancipation Proclamation, aligning himself with conservatives who believed that preserving the Union should be the sole goal and that establishing colonies overseas was the only solution to the racial problem. A key factor was his response to an open letter from Horace Greeley, editor of the New York Tribune. Historian Don E. Fehrenbacher writes that Lincoln's response to this letter "would be misleading to read Greeley as simply an expression of Lincoln's political and moral priorities. Lincoln's apparent neutrality on slavery was misleading and deliberate. In fact, he had already committed himself to emancipation, drafted the Proclamation, and, through his correspondence with Greeley, was preparing for "the coming of the Civil War." "The preservation of the Union had become an end in itself; it was a necessary means to achieve emancipation. But Lincoln, for reasons of political strategy, was compelled to take the opposite position, seeing emancipation as a means, and perhaps a necessary means, to save the Union." Lincoln understood that the Emancipation Proclamation would be interpreted differently at home and abroad.

A historian, Michael Berlin Game, wrote about Lincoln's response to Glie's letter, "it is misunderstood by those who regard this letter as his inner decisive statement for the purpose of the war." Some blame his insensitivity to the moral significance of slave liberation. In fact, this document was a political statement to make the road to the declaration to be issued after the North Army won. He knew that millions of northern residents and residents in the border areas opposed the war to make war a holy war to abolish slavery. They were willing to fight to maintain the federal, but were willing to fight to release slaves. Lincoln had to be convinced of the powerful act of slave liberation as the president. Lincoln hoped to minimize the reconciliation of the white people who knew it would happen, by guaranteeing the slave liberation only to maintaining the federal. " 177

In the turmoil after the North Army was defeated in the battle of the Second Bruns from August 28 to 30, 1862, George S. Bootwell, the Secretary of the Neighborhood Agency, was a new tax law. He requested a meeting with President Lincoln to appoint an assessor. "He finally took the appointment at 11:00 on Sunday. He examined the documents and considered the candidate's advantages as calm and carefully considered as in deep peace. I asked for a lot of safety without hesitation about what I thought about the military commander. I was worried that if I had to replace McRelin again, I was worried that a serious problem would occur in the Army. He said, "I should expect something like victory. 178 Batwell remembered what President Lincoln said after the antitum battle in September: When Lee crossed the (Potomax) river, if Macranglan sent him back, I would return the declaration. I decided. " The antitum battle was held on Wednesday, and until Saturday, I didn't know if I won the battle or lost. It was too late to declare that day. 17

Although Lincoln privately leaned toward emancipation, he was publicly skeptical of its usefulness and expediency. Pennsylvania editor Alexander K. McClure wrote: "Nowhere is Lincoln's own view and purpose on the issue more clearly expressed than in a brief sentence he wrote on September 13, 1862, just nine days before issuing his preliminary proclamation. He was responding to an appeal from a large delegation of Chicago clergy representing nearly every denomination for immediate emancipation. I have not decided that I am opposed to a proclamation of emancipation, but the matter is under consideration. Whatever I think is the will of God, I will carry it out." "180

Emancipation Proclamation

On September 22, shortly after the Battle of Antietam, President Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclamation. The draft of the Emancipation Proclamation "runs four pages and contains three different scripts: the official opening and closing in the clerk's hand, most of the main text in Lincoln's pen, and minor corrections by William Seward," writes historian Matthew Pinsker. The president's expertise is clear, and the writing is almost painstaking, suggesting that the document was written in one go, with few interruptions or starts. By the third and fourth pages, his handwriting shows subtle signs of fatigue. The ink is smudged and splattered erratically, further suggesting that he continued writing and grew tired as he neared completion. In addition, there are gaps in the manuscript into which scraps of previously printed decrees have been neatly pasted. "This clearly suggests that the writing and pasting were done simultaneously without much refinement. 181

During the previous two months, President Lincoln had many exchanges of views with his cabinet. In 1864, artist Francis B. Carpenter asked President Lincoln about his depiction of his cabinet. Mr. Lincoln said: "Mr. Blair thought we should lose the fall election, and was opposed for this reason alone. Carpenter specifically asked about Caleb Smith. "Mr. Blair said that after the convention adjourned, he and the Secretary of the Interior went out together, and the Secretary of the Interior told him that if the President carried out his policy, he would certainly lose Indiana! The President replied, "I never said anything of the kind." Carpenter asked: "What is Mr. Blair's opinion?" Mr. Lincoln replied: "Oh, he has proved himself right about the fall election, but he is more satisfied that we have won than we have lost." Carpenter said, "I have heard that Judge Bates has questioned the constitutionality of the Declaration." Lincoln responded, "I have never heard of any such opinion expressed. Not a single member of the Cabinet ever dared to disagree with the policy in any of my conversations."182 Secretary of the Interior Smith was opposed to the proclamation, but remained silent in Cabinet meetings.

The Emancipation Proclamation changed the fundamental political dynamics of the Civil War. Historian James M. McPherson wrote, "The symbolic force of the Emancipation Proclamation transformed the war from one about restoring the Union to one about destroying the old Union and building a new one, free from human bondage." "God bless Abraham Lincoln!" wrote Horace Greeley in the September 23 New York Tribune. "This is the beginning of the end of the rebellion. It is the beginning of a new life for the nation." African-American Frederick Douglass declared: "We weep for joy that we live to record this just verdict."183 Lincoln scholar Frank J. Williams wrote: "Black Americans, knowing that freedom was at last within reach, hailed Lincoln as a hero. Word spread fast that at last there was in Washington an administration that supported and welcomed emancipation. Something as hopeful and dramatic as freedom cannot be contained. Thousands of slaves fled to the protection of Union troops, even in areas still held by the Confederate Army."184

Not all North Army soldiers were pleased with slave liberation. Lieutenant Lieutenant George Break in New York said that the slave liberation declaration was "Evil, a means of being treated in evil, and the system except many crazy slave abolitioners who plan to destroy slavery ... ... I made it unexpected. " The 185 slave release declaration was a parliament between the North Army, the Democratic Party, especially George B. McRelin, but the historian Mark M. The Republican newspaper was warmly and enthusiastic, "said Krugu:" There is an overwhelming evidence that the slave release has been in favor of all the factions. I am also convinced that most Republican leaders have been cautiously and limited to the dispute, which is a limited and limited range of war. There is enough evidence to suggest.

"The declaration of slaves has been reduced to political dimensions and controversial, but in the short period of time, the majority of the northern citizens gained the support of the federal. In the lower house in December, a critical opposition from the European was released, and this promulgation was justified by the Constitution. The slave liberation policy shown in promulgation is suitable for accelerating recovery of peace, has been appropriately selected as a war measure, and the rights of each state and the welfare of the free government. A reporter in the African newspaper, "Christian Recorder," has been written by the African recorder. The character of Abraham Lincoln, which has been announced in the limit of light and flexibility, has been announced in the limit of light and flexibility. It will be handed down to eternal history. 188 Not all North Army soldiers were pleased with slave liberation. Lieutenant Lieutenant George Break in New York said that the slave liberation declaration was "Evil, a means of being treated in evil, and the system except many crazy slave abolitioners who plan to destroy slavery ... ... I made it unexpected. " The 185 slave release declaration was a parliament between the North Army, the Democratic Party, especially George B. McRelin, but the historian Mark M. The Republican newspaper was warmly and enthusiastic, "said Krugu:" There is an overwhelming evidence that the slave release has been in favor of all the factions. I am also convinced that most Republican leaders have been cautiously and limited to the dispute, which is a limited and limited range of war. There is enough evidence to suggest.

"The declaration of slaves has been reduced to political dimensions and controversial, but in the short period of time, the majority of the northern citizens gained the support of the federal. In the lower house in December, a critical opposition from the European was released, and this promulgation was justified by the Constitution. The slave liberation policy shown in promulgation is suitable for accelerating recovery of peace, has been appropriately selected as a war measure, and the rights of each state and the welfare of the free government. A reporter in the African newspaper, "Christian Recorder," has been written by the African recorder. The character of Abraham Lincoln, which has been announced in the limit of light and flexibility, has been announced in the limit of light and flexibility. It will be handed down to eternal history. 188 Not all North Army soldiers were pleased with slave liberation. Lieutenant Lieutenant George Break in New York said that the slave liberation declaration was "Evil, a means of being treated in evil, and the system except many crazy slave abolitioners who plan to destroy slavery ... ... I made it unexpected. " The 185 slave release declaration was a parliament between the North Army, the Democratic Party, especially George B. McRelin, but the historian Mark M. The Republican newspaper was warmly and enthusiastic, "said Krugu:" There is an overwhelming evidence that the slave release has been in favor of all the factions. I am also convinced that most Republican leaders have been cautiously and limited to the dispute, which is a limited and limited range of war. There is enough evidence to suggest.

President Lincoln understood the political risk he was doing and tried to avoid the racial and political rebound of the audience he had assumed. Historian Stephen B. Oats writes: "As a result, this preliminary declaration ignites racial dissatisfaction in most of the northern part, especially the midwestern part, and is a Democratic Party defeat in the fall of 1862. The Northern Democratic Party has already been resentful of the rigorous war policy of Lincoln, especially the arrest of the military. If the slave liberation was realized, the southern blacks warned that they would flow into the north, and the northern states, which have a large population of the whole state in 1860, with a drum of black phobia. The Democratic Party has become a majority in the parliament, and the northern voters, which were exhausted by the war, and hit the Republican Party.

Especially for President Lincoln, who proposed slave liberation and moved to execution. Wood Gray, the author of the Hidden Civil War, wrote: "The most worrisome of the Mi d-West people was that the bars may be wiped out by a horde of Nymphs. It was a fear of the ghosts, and the black peasants from urban areas and the southern part of them were miserable. It was expected to push up to the level. " "The war actions reported by the Democratic Party have caused the concerns in the last few months. Despite the Illinois State Law banned the entry at night, it is another. Despite the overwhelming voting of the people who agree with the constitutional enactment in July, Secretary Stanton ordered the General Cairo Command and was confiscated by the Federal Army. The employer of the industry seeking an inexpensive labor for employment also tried to introduce black workers in the ministry, and in July. Serious riots occurred, 190

In the former northwest, the potential effects of slave liberation and the actual influence of the rapids crossing the Ohio River from Kentucky are mixed. Historian Darrell e. Bigam wrote: "The increase in African Americans living on the north shore of the river and the liberation of slave have interrupted white fears of African Americans. Edwin. In the summer of 1862, in the summer of 1862, he ordered the state of the Cairo's state in the state, and his decision was politically damaged by the poor camp, the high fare due to the poor camppus. The Democratic Party's Copper Head was very active in the autumn elections in the fall election. "Even the 191 Lincoln's best friend, Illinois, was defeated by the northern voters, protesting the slave release, and the repression of the unwanted slave.

President Lincoln took a cautious approach to slave liberation, set a 10 0-day period until the final slave release was issued, and had a grace period to return to the southern part until January 1, 1863. "For several months in the end of 1862, Blacks will succumb to the interests of slaves and will come into effect on the New Year's Day for the end of 1862. The southern part of the African Americans responded with the joy of the entire area of the northern part of the Northern Document. Holded a larg e-scale rally in the former northwestern part of the former northwest to hear the prominent slave abolition of the president. The actual influence of the rapids across the Ohio River is mixed, "The increase in African Americans living on the north shore of the river is the coming of African liberation. The Secretary of the Army of the American raids, the Secretary of the Army of the Cairo, was impressed in the summer of the Cair o-smeated state. The camp, the Mississippi River, was promoted to the high fare, and the Copper heads of the Democratic Party were very active. The same results in the autumn elections of Ohio and Illinois, "Even the Senator Orville H. He was defeated because he protested with no n-slave liberation and repression of citizen freedom.

President Lincoln took a cautious approach to slave liberation, set a 10 0-day period until the final slave release was issued, and had a grace period to return to the southern part until January 1, 1863. "For several months in the end of 1862, Blacks will succumb to the interests of slaves and will come into effect on the New Year's Day for the end of 1862. The southern part of the African Americans responded with the joy of the entire area of the northern part of the Northern Document. Holded a larg e-scale rally in the former northwest to hear the famous slave abolition theories highly evaluate the president's beauty. The actual influence of the ove r-th e-shelf trend is a mixture, "The increase in African Americans who live on the north shore of the river and the liberation of slaves are coming in African Americans. In the summer of 1862, the Dwarfed Cair o-deductor was in a stat e-o f-th e-art, and the Illinois Republican was impaired in the summer. It was promoted to the economic recession due to the temporary closure of the Mississippi River, and the Caprician was very active in the autumn election. The same result was in the autumn election in Illinois, "Even the Senator Orville H. He was defeated because he protested against the repression of citizen freedom.

Loyalty and constitutionalism were the president's top priorities. Historian Michael Burlingame writes: "The gentlest criticism of the Declaration came from prominent lawyers who questioned its constitutionality. In an influential pamphlet, former Associate Justice Benjamin R. Curtis denied that military necessity justified emancipation and argued that the seceded states were still technically part of the Union and therefore the president could not repeal their laws. Moreover, Congress had provided for emancipation in the Second Act of Secession."193 One of the difficulties Lincoln faced on the slavery issue was not only that he had to deal with a range of opinions within Congress, but also with a hostile Supreme Court. Chief Justice Roger B. Taney had shown his hostility by ruling against the government in the Merryman habeas corpus case in 1861. During the Civil War, the Supreme Court continued to be dominated by justices friendly to the Lincoln administration. Historian Brian R. Dirk writes: "The best position... would have been to never put an anti-insurrection suit on the court's docket in the first place. Lincoln knew that border state citizens would be the most likely to bring such a suit."194 Historian Allen C. Guelzo notes that Lincoln was concerned that: Loyalty and constitutionalism were the president's top priorities. Historian Michael Burlingame writes: "The gentlest criticism of the Declaration came from prominent lawyers who questioned its constitutionality. In an influential pamphlet, former Associate Justice Benjamin R. Curtis of the Supreme Court denied that military necessity justified emancipation and argued that the seceded states were still technically part of the Union and therefore the President could not repeal their laws. Moreover, Congress had provided for emancipation in the Second Act of Secession."193 One of the difficulties Lincoln faced on the slavery issue was that he not only had to deal with differing views within Congress, but also with a hostile Supreme Court. Chief Justice Roger B. Taney had demonstrated his hostility by ruling against the government in the Merryman habeas corpus case in 1861. Throughout the Civil War, the Supreme Court remained dominated by justices friendly to the Lincoln administration. Historian Brian R. Dirk writes: "The best position... would have been to keep anti-insurrection cases off the Court's docket in the first place. Lincoln knew that border states were most likely to bring such suits. "194 Historian Allen C. Guelzo notes that Lincoln was concerned that loyalty and constitutionalism were his top priorities as president. Historian Michael Burlingame writes: "The gentlest criticism of the Declaration came from prominent lawyers who questioned its constitutionality. Former Associate Justice Benjamin R. Curtis of the Supreme Court, in an influential pamphlet, denied that military necessity justified emancipation and argued that because seceded states were still technically part of the Union, the president could not repeal their laws. Moreover, Congress had provided for emancipation in the Second Act of Secession."193 One of the difficulties Lincoln faced on the slavery issue was that he not only had to deal with differing views within Congress, but also with a hostile Supreme Court. Chief Justice Roger B. Taney wrote in 1861 that "the proclamation was a sham and abhorrent act of the Constitution, and the Constitution was not a sham." The Supreme Court had signaled its hostility by ruling against the government in the Merryman habeas corpus trial in 1841. During the Civil War, the Supreme Court continued to be dominated by justices friendly to the Lincoln administration. Historian Brian R. Dirk writes: "The best position... would have been to keep anti-insurrection suits off the Court's docket in the first place. Lincoln knew that border state citizens were most likely to bring such suits."194 Historian Allen C. Guelzo notes that Lincoln was concerned that:

The final Emancipation Proclamation puts constitutional integrity before literary flourishing. Historian Brian R. Dirk writes: "In the fall of 1862, Lincoln knew, first, that the Emancipation Proclamation was essentially a legal document; second, that the nation's highest court would likely strike it down; and third, that such a decision would be a serious setback to his presidency, his party, and the hopes of millions of African Americans." Dirk writes: "A viable reparations program would have solved a variety of problems for Lincoln, but one of his main uses was a legal one. Compensating for the loss of slaves would have unlocked Taney's potential Fifth Amendment argument. If Congress and the border states had responded to Lincoln's demand for compensated emancipation, Taney would have had a much harder time making the case that emancipation constituted an unlawful seizure of property without the "mere compensation" the Founders demanded. 197

President Lincoln, who decided to produce a slave liberation declaration, was not defeated in the election or political pressure. Historian William E. Genap writes: Lincoln supported the compensation of the Slaves Liberation, and the supporters were worried that they would not be able to issue a slave liberation declaration as promised. Charles Samunner, a Senator, asserted that the presiden t-related communication would be "consisted." On December 1, 1862, Lincoln launched a phased compensation slave liberation program in the second annual message to Congress. After a series of constitutional amendments, Lincoln wrote: "Among the Federal Friends, the emotions and politics of slavery and African races are really diverse. Some survive slavery. Suddenly abolished those who are free from us, and there are other things to coexist. We have to make a compromise with each other with each other's struggle. It is not a compromise with the federal enemy, "199," 199 historian Richard.

The final slave release declaration

As January 1, 1863 approached, the speculation of whether the president would declare the final slave liberation was increased. On December 25, Senator Charles Samunner addressed John M. Forbes in Boston's railway company, "I returned from the president, but there was a lot about the declaration. He is now thinking about how to declare on January 1. He has been very serious about hiring an African unit to protect other warm climate. On December 27, Samunner Senator called Lincoln again, giving a letter from a newspaper, a newspaper, and a electoral letter. According to Samunner, "The President says he can't stop this declaration, and he won't stop it. I think Stanton is unusually optimistic and confident. He June. The President accepts this idea of 200, 000 blacks and the President. 202 Other visitors also supported the president. Allen Gerzo wrote: "Whether the President will declare the final slave release as the last week of December, Patent Attorney Z. Robins, Patent Attorney January 1, 1863 approaches. Suspension of Senator Charles Samunner on December 25, "I have returned from the President, but there are many declarations. He is now thinking about how to declare on January 1. He told me that he hired African units to protect the Mississippi River and other warm climate and worked for white soldiers elsewhere. did". On December 27, Samunner Senator called Lincoln again, giving a letter from a newspaper, a newspaper, and a electoral letter. According to Samunner, "The President says he can't stop this declaration, and he won't stop it. I think Stanton is unusually optimistic and confident. He June. The President accepts this idea of 200, 000 blacks and the President. 202 Other visitors also supported the president. Allen Gerzo wrote: "As the last week of December, Patent Attorney Z. Robins, Patent Attorney, January 1, 1863 approached, the president would declare the final slave release. On December 25, Charles Samunner Senator John M. Forbes in Boston, "I returned from the President, but there are many things about the declaration. He is now thinking about how to declare it on January. He has been very serious about hiring African troops to protect the Mississippi River and other warm climate. " On December 27, Samunner Senator called Lincoln again, giving a letter from a newspaper, a newspaper, and a electoral letter. According to Samunner, "The President says he can't stop this declaration, and he won't stop it. I think Stanton is unusually optimistic and confident. He June. The President accepts this idea of 200, 000 blacks and the President. 202 Other visitors also supported the president. Allen Gerzo writes: "The last week of December, Patent Attorney Z. Robins, Patent Invention Lawyer

The final declaration of slave liberation issued on January 1, 1863 contained a word that emphasized the "military need" of the president's actions. "This great declaration is clearly a war weapon, not a free torch," says historian James A. Raleley. Military needs were constitutional and legal necessities for the president to take action without any other constitutional authority. "It is absolutely necessary for the federal rescue, must release slaves, and otherwise we must be conquered ..... . " "Lincoln emphasized military needs was that the logic of slave liberation was demanded by the constitutional and politics," said Lincoln. The prejudice of the ant i-Negro ... it was a politically unconditionally unconditional of Lincoln's thinking to justify slavery release in such a moral and ideological positive words. For the continued Frontier's sense and the Southern Unionism, it was desirable to avoid the appearance of reforms based on the elevation of ant i-negloism. One of the hopes for passing the judicial complex was to appeal to the end of the slave release on January 1, 1863. Included the phrase that emphasizes the "military need". "This great declaration is clearly a war weapon, not a free torch," says historian James A. Raleley. Military needs were constitutional and legal necessities for the president to take action without any other constitutional authority. "It is absolutely necessary for the federal rescue, must release slaves, and otherwise we must be conquered ..... . " "Lincoln emphasized military needs was that the logic of slave liberation was demanded by the constitutional and politics," said Lincoln. The prejudice of the ant i-Negro ... it was a politically unconditionally unconditional of Lincoln's thinking to justify slavery release in such a moral and ideological positive words. For the continued Frontier's sense and the Southern Unionism, it was desirable to avoid the appearance of reforms based on the elevation of ant i-negloism. One of the hopes for passing the judicial complex was to appeal to the military needs on January 1, 1863, the president's action. It contained the wording that emphasizes the necessity. "This great declaration is clearly a war weapon, not a free torch," says historian James A. Raleley. Military needs were constitutional and legal necessities for the president to take action without any other constitutional authority. "It is absolutely necessary for the federal rescue, must release slaves, and otherwise we must be conquered ..... . " "Lincoln emphasized military needs was that the logic of slave liberation was demanded by the constitutional and politics," said Lincoln. The prejudice of the ant i-Negro ... it was a politically unconditionally unconditional of Lincoln's thinking to justify slavery release in such a moral and ideological positive words. For the continued Frontier's sense and the Southern Unionism, it was desirable to avoid the appearance of reforms based on the elevation of ant i-negloism. One hope for passing the judicial complex was to appeal to military needs.

President Lincoln wrote to Methodist leader John McClintock, "I felt great remorse when I issued this proclamation, for I did not believe the people were sufficiently educated about it, and I feared the effects it would have in the border states."211 Lincoln had to worry about the effects on a variety of voters: Northern radicals, frontier conservatives, and the Supreme Court. Fortunately, President Lincoln had unified the Republican Party behind his deliberate action. Historian Lewis S. Gartis writes: "Emancipation... became rather fashionable as the Civil War progressed, and the issue no longer served to distinguish radicals from moderates or conservatives. As emancipation became politically fashionable, Attorney General Edward Bates observed, "Men who had no interest in emancipation suddenly became enthusiastic about the cause." Blacks argued that emancipation was a military necessity, but it did not represent a radical victory. The effectiveness of the argument for military necessity to justify emancipation was due to the success of the Confederate Army, not to any moral principle of radicalism. 212

The potential impact of emancipation behind Confederate lines was clear to secessionists. Historian Armstead L. Robinson writes: "With Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation scheduled for January 1, 1863, to the rebellious states, Confederate officials pressed their superiors in Richmond to enact some measure to address the growing threat to slavery. Brigadier General Daniel Ruggles of the Mississippi Territory brought it to the attention of the Secretary of War:

The voluntary enrollment and recruitment have a very large percentage of active freedom in the area, including slave owners and other people engaged in their management. For this reason, many of the planning with many slaves is left unattended without being placed under normal white people, and applying to me every day to specify or secure the appropriate person. Is out. Many of these farms have already had a malicious impact, and it is not a reason, but there are concerns that serious slaves may cause seriously. 213

The signature for the slave liberation declaration was postponed until the President's traditional New Year's Day reception ended. Lincoln did not betray the important actions he was trying to do. Washington's Chronicle reported that Lincoln had "captured all opportunities and left fun words and remarks." Even after 214, Lincoln knew the limit of the slave release declaration. He told General Henry W. Hallek that he knew that his declaration did not release one black out of the range of our troops. I changed. A very large percentage of active freedom in the area, including the slave owner and other people engaged in the management, is in the country's military service. For this reason, many of the planning with many slaves is left unattended without being placed under normal white people, and applying to me every day to specify or secure the appropriate person. Is out. Many of these farms have already had a malicious impact, and it is not a reason, but there are concerns that serious slaves may cause seriously. 213

The signature for the slave liberation declaration was postponed until the President's traditional New Year's Day reception ended. Lincoln did not betray the important actions he was trying to do. Washington's Chronicle reported that Lincoln had "captured all opportunities and left fun words and remarks." Even after 214, Lincoln knew the limit of the slave release declaration. He told General Henry W. Hallek that he knew that his declaration did not release one black out of the range of our troops. I changed. The voluntary enrollment and recruitment have a very large percentage of active freedom in the area, including slave owners and other people engaged in their management. For this reason, many of the planning with many slaves is left unattended without being placed under normal white people, and applying to me every day to specify or secure the appropriate person. Is out. Many of these farms have already had a malicious impact, and it is not a reason, but there are concerns that serious slaves may cause seriously. 213

The largest celebration of the Emancipation Proclamation took place in Boston. Historian George M. Frederickson writes: "For many Northerners, the suffering of the war took on new meaning after the government's policy of emancipation was announced. On New Year's Day, 1863, most of New England's literary elite gathered in the Boston Music Hall to celebrate the signing of the Emancipation Proclamation. The formal part of the program included a reading of [Ralph Waldo] Emerson's "Boston Hymn," written for the occasion, and [Ralph Waldo] Emerson's stirring rendition of Holmes's "Military Hymn." The audience erupted in incredible applause, followed by three cheers for President Lincoln and three cheers for William Lloyd Garrison, who was also present." 216 Historian David W. Bright writes: "On Emancipation Day, January 1, 1863, (Frederick) Douglass was in Boston for a great celebration at Tremont Temple. Speeches continued throughout the day and into the evening, with Douglass delivering his usual oratory. Tension rose as many in the crowd anxiously awaited news of Lincoln's proclamation. When the news finally arrived, great joy swept through the crowd. Not surprisingly, the celebration was

The voice of delight came up in Washington. Historian Stephen B. Oats writes: "In the second half of that day, a heterosexual crowd gathered on the lawn of the White House, and Lincoln greeted the people from the open window. The blacks cheered. He sang, "The glory has arrived," and said to Lincoln, "If you get out of this palace, you will be hugged until you die." This would never be this in the world. " 218 African Americans gave a celebration in the northern region. In Harrisberg, Pennsylvania, African Americans gathered and made a series of resolutions: "We have a new era in Japan's history," January 1, 1863, "We Harrisburg City. In other words, the oppression escapes in front of the sensible principles of justice and fairness, and is forced to be cornered, and is welcomed by the jewel of the freedom as a jewel. This is the day when the goddess of the freedom gives his sons and daughters on the magic of the southern part of an irreplaceable blessing: "Northern Liberty. For the blacks, the giving the final declaration was an opportunity to reflect on it.

The celebration was also performed in the form of type. Her historian Hans L. Trefus wrote: "The Democratic Newspaper was as enthusiastic. The New York Times was" President's declaration ... this country, but this country, but this country. And the Epoch in the world history, "said Chicago Tribune's" New Year's Gifts for Human ", and Cincinnati Gazette was called" the most important document in this century. " New York commercial advertisers have fully agreed to this evaluation. 221

One of the northern editors, Rufus Blanchard, wrote the following comments on the final duplication of the slave liberation declaration. This declaration will not lose the true support of the Federal Seasonal. On the other hand, traitor who serves in the era of secretly opposing the war will be exposed. For slaves, it will be a powerful motivation to fight for the federal instead of a rebellion master. If slaves are executed and freedom is dominated throughout the country, the colored races will leave the northern areas that have escaped the slavery and will join their brothers under the fine sky invited by nature. Labor is rewarded, justice is fulfilled, and old state ships vulgarly voyage the forgotten sea of freedom and peace. Confusion and shame are on those who oppose the free government, and the songs of gratitude and love praise those who protect the government. "222

Critics pointed out that the slave release declaration released only the slaves in areas where the southern North Army was not dominated. George W. Julian, a brothers, also testified, "How wisely (Lincoln) has used the illusion of the people to save his homeland." His declaration has no legal effect on territory under our army. However, as an expression of the people's spirit and administration's policy, it was as moral as military need. " Rufus Blanchard, one of the 223

"In the vast literature on the Emancipation Proclamation, one critical biography of Tartt stands out," writes historian James A. Dewholm. "The Emancipation Proclamation's endless justifications had the grandeur of a bill of lading," says historian Richard Hofstadter. "Most, if not all, of the writings on the Emancipation Proclamation contain this phrase, a fair, if not complimentary, style of commentary. Hofstadter's words capture the essence of emancipation in a way that was never anticipated or intended. A bill of lading is a document issued by a carrier to a shipper confirming receipt of a cargo for transportation. This bill of lading, the largest of all, was constitutionally issued by the federal steerer, who then delivered the goods," writes Lincoln legal scholar Paul Finkelman: "But Hofstadter did not understand the significance of the bill of lading, which had been transferred to the skilled railroad lawyer that was Lincoln before the war. The bill of lading was the basic legal device used to ensure delivery of goods between parties who were far apart and might not know each other. With the bill of lading, a seller in New York could safely transport his goods to a buyer in Illinois, and both could be sure that the transaction would go well. Modern Life in England, Karl Marx

Lincoln's approach to slave liberation was wisely acknowledged to apply in various ways. Historian, C. Harris, wrote: "When I adopted slavery as a means to win the war, Lincoln was far from the initial intention of maintaining the federal and constitution. This realistic president did not consider Lincoln in the process of slave liberation and freedom of Lincoles in the liberation of slave. To the state, they recovered a democratic government, and were hoped to be fair with the Southern and South Army. Historian armsted L. Robinson writes: "The number of slaves who feel that it is legitimate to leave general war efforts is increased. A government that can not protect the interests, which is the cornerstone of the Southern Republic. Why should I support the struggle in 1862 to maintain the slaves in 1862? The Southern Revolution began to mow the commitment to local governments, but the slaves were more and more encouraged. He said about the director, known for his "waist strength," for slaves. 227 approach to Lincoln's slave liberation has been wisely acknowledged in various ways. Historian, C. Harris, wrote: "When I adopted slavery as a means to win the war, Lincoln was far from the initial intention of maintaining the federal and constitution. This realistic president did not consider Lincoln in the process of slave liberation and freedom of Lincoles in the liberation of slave. To the state, they recovered a democratic government, and were hoped to be fair with the Southern and South Army. Historian Armsteaded L. Robinson wrote: "The number of slaves who feel it is legitimate to stay away from general war efforts is increased. Why should I support the struggle in 1862 to keep the struggle in 1862? The Southern Revolution began to mow the commitment to local governments, but the slaves were more and more encouraged. He said about the director, known for his "waist strength," for slaves. The 227 Lincoln approach to slave liberation has been wisely acknowledged to apply in various ways. Historian, C. Harris, wrote: "When I adopted slavery release as a means to win the war, Lincoln was far from the initial intention of maintaining the federal and constitution. This realistic president did not consider Lincoln in the process of slave liberation and freedom of Lincoles in the liberation of slave. To the state, they recovered a democratic government, and were hoped to be fair with the Southern and South Army. Historian armsted L. Robinson writes: "The number of slaves who feel that it is legitimate to leave general war efforts is increased. A government that can not protect the interests, which is the cornerstone of the Southern Republic. Why should I support the struggle in 1862 to maintain the slaves in 1862? The Southern Revolution began to mow the commitment to local governments, but the slaves were more and more encouraged. He said about the director, known for his "waist strength," for slaves. 227

Lincoln's declaration of slave liberation began directly to the abolition of slavery, although its scope was inevitably limited by the constitution. "Article 13 of the Constitutional Fix is just the beginning of the slave release declaration," said historian Allen C. Gelzo. Also, even if Lincoln was in front of the court, he would not have retired. "The 228 Gelzo has underestimated the political courage that Lincoln has issued a slave liberation and supported it. Six weeks after the 10 0-day warning, 45 Republicans in Congress in the parliamentary election. The Lord of the House of Representatives, the tw o-sided Congress of the Illinois and the state of the state of the Illinois, was closed. The city of New York caused a riot over the plan and quickly turned into an ant i-assignment carnival. I felt that the history of the war has changed.

The impact of slave liberation Lincoln's declaration of slave liberation has begun a movement directly to the abolition of slavery, although its scope is inevitably restricted by the constitution. "Article 13 of the Constitutional Fix is just the beginning of the slave release declaration," said historian Allen C. Gelzo. Also, even if Lincoln was in front of the court, he would not have retired. "The 228 Gelzo has underestimated the political courage that Lincoln has issued a slave liberation and supported it. Six weeks after the 10 0-day warning, 45 Republicans in Congress in the parliamentary election. The Lord of the House of Representatives, the tw o-sided Congress of the Illinois and the state of the state of the Illinois, was closed. The city of New York caused a riot over the plan and quickly turned into an ant i-assignment carnival. I felt that the history of the war has changed.

The impact of slave liberation Lincoln's declaration of slave liberation has begun a movement directly to the abolition of slavery, although its scope was inevitably limited by the constitution. "Article 13 of the Constitutional Fix is just the beginning of the slave release declaration," said historian Allen C. Gelzo. Also, even if Lincoln was in front of the court, he would not have retired. "The 228 Gelzo has underestimated the political courage that Lincoln has issued a slave liberation and supported it. Six weeks after the 10 0-day warning, 45 Republicans in Congress in the parliamentary election. The Lord of the House of Representatives, the tw o-sided Congress of the Illinois and the state of the state of the Illinois, was closed. The city of New York caused a riot over the plan and quickly turned into an ant i-assignment carnival. I felt that the history of the war has changed.

Impact of slave liberation

With Union soldiers nearby, slaves began to free themselves. Historian Eric Foner writes: "Slaves understood that the presence of Union troops would fundamentally change the balance of power in the South between white and black, master and slave. In 1861 and 1862, as Confederate forces occupied the periphery of the Confederacy, first in Virginia, then Tennessee, South Carolina, and Louisiana, thousands of slaves marched to Union positions. Unlike prewar fugitives, these included large numbers of women, children, and elderly people, who, as General Daniel E. Sickles commented, left their plantations with entire families willing to "run any risk" in search of freedom. 231 News of the Emancipation Proclamation spread across the slave vineyards, with a much wider impact than President Lincoln had anticipated. Historian Allen C. Guelzo writes that the proclamation "clearly contributed to the further collapse of slavery, as the presidential order for freedom set off a new wave of flight and began to sweep away slavery's foundations, shrinking the fringes."232 Historians Larry Schweikart and Michael Allen write that "through the slave vine, word spread like wildfire to the South, but slaves tried to hide the fact that they had heard about the proclamation." With Union soldiers nearby, slaves began to free themselves. Historian Eric Foner writes: "Slaves understood that the presence of Union troops would fundamentally change the balance of power in the South between white and black, master and slave. In 1861 and 1862, as Confederate forces occupied territories on the Confederate periphery, first in Virginia and then Tennessee, South Carolina, and Louisiana, thousands of slaves marched to Union positions. Unlike pre-war fugitives, these fugitives included large numbers of women, children, and elderly people who, as General Daniel E. Sickles commented, had left the plantations with entire families willing to "run any risk" in search of freedom. 231 News of the Emancipation Proclamation spread across the slave vineyards, with a much wider impact than President Lincoln had anticipated. Historian Allen C. Guelzo writes that the proclamation "clearly contributed to the further collapse of slavery, as the presidential order for freedom set off a new wave of flight and began to sweep away slavery's foundations, shrinking the fringes."232 Historians Larry Schweikart and Michael Allen write that "through the slave vine, word spread like wildfire to the South, but slaves tried to hide the fact that they had heard about the proclamation. With Union soldiers nearby, slaves began to free themselves."232 Historian Eric Foner writes: "Slaves understood that the presence of Union troops would fundamentally change the balance of power in the South between white and black, master and slave. In 1861 and 1862, as Confederate forces occupied territories on the Confederate periphery, first in Virginia and then Tennessee, South Carolina, and Louisiana, thousands of slaves marched to Union positions. Unlike pre-war fugitives, these fugitives included large numbers of women, children, and elderly people who, as General Daniel E. Sickles commented, had left the plantations with entire families willing to "run any risk" in search of freedom. 231 News of the Emancipation Proclamation spread across the slave vineyards, with a much wider impact than President Lincoln had anticipated. Historian Allen C. Guelzo writes that the proclamation “clearly contributed to the further collapse of slavery, as the presidential edict for freedom set off a new wave of flight and began to sweep away slavery’s foundations, shrinking the fringes of slavery.”232 Historians Larry Schweikart and Michael Allen write that “through the slave vine, word spread like wildfire to the South, but slaves tried to hide the fact that they had heard about the proclamation.”232

James Mc Farson understood that Lincoln's policy has triggered slave sel f-slaves. McParson understood that Lincoln's policy has triggered slaves to sel f-slaves. However, even for larg e-scale, the release of slavery was completely different from the abolition of slavery. To do so, the North Army victory was needed. It was necessary to r e-election of Lincoln in 1864. To do so, Article 13 of the correction was required. Lincoln played an important role in all of these achievements, and played a central role. Louisiana, Arkanseau, Tennessee, Maryland, and Missouri, and the Revival State, have moved the process of abolishing their systems in these states during the war, with his policies and skillful political leadership. there were". 234

The literal application of the slave liberation declaration to areas that are not under the control of the Hokkaido does not justify what the declaration intended to the local slaves. Historian Don E. Ferenbackers wrote: "In the last few decades, historians have escaped from the southern POW during the war, not much of Lincoln's leadership. He claims that he should be more particular about the none of the slaves, "235, the historian Ira Berlin, for example," Other countries led and Lincolns followed Lincoln. As we increased the commanding system and responded to the public opinion in the northern part, it was delayed to respond to the request of slave liberation. " 236 Historian Jeffrey Rogers Hammel said the Southern Army President "Jefferson Davis loses many housekeepers, and three people fled in 1864 alone in 1864. Most of them fled with president's clothing and silver. However, some bold people tried to burn the presidential residence in 1865, when the South Army soldiers were hungry for human resources. Mc Farson had to set up a cavalry special battalite to prevent it from trying to escape. Mc Farson understood that the slave system was abolished, even if it was a larg e-scale slave. It was completely different in Lincoln for the North Army. The important roles played a central role, Louisiana, Arkanseau, Tennessee, and Mizouri, and the Renx of Missouri abolished the system in these states. The process was moved by his policy and skillful political leadership. " 234

The literal application of the slave liberation declaration to areas that are not under the control of the Hokkaido does not justify what the declaration intended to the local slaves. Historian Don E. Ferenbackers wrote: "In the last few decades, historians have escaped from the southern POW during the war, not much of Lincoln's leadership. He claims that he should be more particular about the none of the slaves, "235, the historian Ira Berlin, for example," Other countries led and Lincolns followed Lincoln. As we increased the commanding system and responded to the public opinion in the northern part, it was delayed to respond to the request of slave liberation. " 236 Historian Jeffrey Rogers Hammel said the Southern Army President "Jefferson Davis loses many housekeepers, and three people fled in 1864 alone in 1864. Most of them fled with president's clothing and silver. However, some bold people tried to burn the presidential residence in 1865, when the South Army soldiers were hungry for human resources. James Mc Farson, who had to set up a cavalry special battalion to prevent trying to escape, understand that Lincoln's policy has triggered slavery sel f-slaves. Mc Farson understood that Lincoln's policy has triggered the slave, but this is the abolition of slavery. It was necessary to r e-election of Lincoln in 1864. No, played a central role, and the reconstructed and allied states such as Louisiana, Tennessee, Maryland, and Missouri have abolished the process. It was his policy and skillful political leadership. " 234

The literal application of the slave liberation declaration to areas that are not under the control of the Hokkaido does not justify what the declaration intended to the local slaves. Historian Don E. Ferenbackers wrote: "In the last few decades, historians have escaped from the southern POW during the war, not much of Lincoln's leadership. He claims that he should be more particular about the none of the slaves, "235, the historian Ira Berlin, for example," Other countries led and Lincolns followed Lincoln. As we increased the commanding system and responded to the public opinion in the northern part, it was delayed to respond to the request of slave liberation. " 236 Historian Jeffrey Rogers Hammel said the Southern Army President "Jefferson Davis loses many housekeepers, and three people fled in 1864 alone in 1864. Most of them fled with president's clothing and silver. However, some bold people tried to burn the presidential residence in 1865, when the South Army soldiers were hungry for human resources. He thought he had to set up a cavalry special battalion to prevent trying to escape.

The immediate impact of the Emancipation Proclamation may have been limited, but its ultimate impact was profound. As legal scholar George Anastaplo wrote: "The emancipation of so many slaves made the institution of slavery itself extremely vulnerable to the nation as a whole. Slavery as it existed in North America could only find an intelligent defender in this country if nearly the entire slave race had been subjected to slavery. If a significant number of them had become free and were able to grow into free and responsible residents of this country, arguments based on the supposed natural basis of African slavery could no longer be trusted. In a system such as ours, where slavery has been clearly put to rest, as it should have been, after obvious geographical and historical contingencies, it cannot continue to exist."238 Even when Union soldiers did not take the initiative, Southern blacks streamed into their camps and followed their campaigns and marches. Military and political officials struggled to manage this influx and to establish a system to retain ex-slaves who needed work, food, and shelter. Historian Herman Beltz writes: "The war policy based on free contract labor was intended to free slaves who were slaves, along the path of laissez-faire legal equality. Army officials exercised great control over the affairs of freemen, and critics such as Wendell Phillips complained that the government policy had no real basis, but the indentured labor system was intended to help freemen become self-reliant. It succeeded to a great extent."239 President Lincoln appointed John Eaton of the Church Army to run a program to help these fugitive slaves.

The impact of the Emancipation Proclamation extended even among slaves who did not run away. Historian Jeffrey Rogers Hammel points out that "there was very little violence by blacks against their former owners." Nevertheless, unencumbered by federal troops, the indentured system collapsed in the region, as southerners feared would happen if they did not actively retrieve fugitive slaves, because fugitives increased the costs of enforcing slavery for slaves. The outflow of white men to the Confederate Army also led to a decline in oversight. Labor discipline on plantations and farms was relaxed; slaves worked less, traditional methods of passive resistance were escalated, and school absenteeism and intolerance became widespread."[240]

Both the North and South had a reputation for President Lincoln that President Lincoln had advanced the cause of slave liberation. A historian Rally E. erson wrote by 1864 that "Black leaders have been blamed for the Democratic Party, but the reputation for Lincoln and the Republican Party was more complicated." The president's image as a great enlightenment has a deep charm, and blacks openly celebrated the first anniversary of the declaration of slavery in the northern cities, the southern federal management area, and the western gold mining zone. The speeches often praised the slave release and Lincoln, while pointing out the limits of the slave liberation declaration. "243

Colonization Actual slave liberation was a product of the inauguration of Lincoln, the sel f-enthusiasm of the blacks close to the union, and the increase in the dominance of the North Army against the territory. Historian Richard J. Carwardine writes: "Slaves have been released, and Lincoln's role is to conceal the facts reluctantly, but too exaggerated in the complex historical process. It is certain that the final and irreplaceable freedom of the Southern Army and the new constitution were weakened. Without the union soldiers, clerks, teams, and workers, there were no African Americans, but the North Army would have been upgraded. The first important thing was that there was no freedom without the union reconstruction, and the speed of the slave liberation, which was the official goal of the war, would destroy the widespread union. The President and the leader of the leader said, "The 241 Civil War and the Reconstruction Author said:" When the North Army was stationed in the southern part of the southern part of the farm. As the number of slaves escaped from Bell Wiley, the blacks were "generally engaged in stealing farms and farms."
Both the North and South had a reputation for President Lincoln that President Lincoln had advanced the cause of slave liberation. A historian Rally E. erson wrote by 1864 that "Black leaders have been blamed for the Democratic Party, but the reputation for Lincoln and the Republican Party was more complicated." The president's image as a great enlightenment has a deep charm, and blacks openly celebrated the first anniversary of the declaration of slavery in the northern cities, the southern federal management area, and the western gold mining zone. The speeches often praised the slave release and Lincoln, while pointing out the limits of the slave liberation declaration. "243
Colonization was a product of the inauguration of Lincoln, the enthusiasm of blacks close to the union, and the increase in the dominance of the North Army in the territory. Historian Richard J. Carwardine writes: "Slaves have been released, and Lincoln's role is to conceal the facts reluctantly, but too exaggerated in the complex historical process. It is certain that the final and irreplaceable freedom of the Southern Army and the new constitution were weakened. Without the union soldiers, clerks, teams, and workers, there were no African Americans, but the North Army would have been upgraded. The first important thing was that there was no freedom without the union reconstruction, and the speed of the slave liberation, which was the official goal of the war, would destroy the widespread union. The President and the leader of the leader said, "The 241 Civil War and the Reconstruction Author said:" When the North Army was stationed in the southern part of the southern part of the farm. As the number of slaves escaped from Bell Wiley, the blacks were "generally engaged in stealing farms and farms."
Both the North and South had a reputation for President Lincoln that President Lincoln had advanced the cause of slave liberation. A historian Rally E. erson wrote by 1864 that "Black leaders have been blamed for the Democratic Party, but the reputation for Lincoln and the Republican Party was more complicated." The president's image as a great enlightenment has a deep charm, and blacks openly celebrated the first anniversary of the declaration of slavery in the northern cities, the southern federal management area, and the western gold mining zone. The speeches often praised the slave release and Lincoln, while pointing out the limits of the slave liberation declaration. "243

Colonization

Emancipation quickly undermined plans for freed blacks to colonize outside the United States, a perverse response to racial discrimination in both the North and South. Lincoln scholar William Lee Miller writes: "He spoke at the Springfield meeting of the Colonization Society and defended colonization in a debate with Stephen Douglas. And the president would encourage colonization in his first two annual messages, support it in a preliminary (though not final) emancipation proclamation, and make every effort to initiate colonization projects near Haiti and Panama (which proved entirely futile)."244 Historian Michael Voorenberg writes: "Lincoln's belief in colonization... worked to his advantage in many conversations with Illinois Senator Stephen A. Douglas.... Lincoln was adamantly opposed to popular sovereignty and the extension of slavery, but that stance made him politically vulnerable to Douglas's accusation that he supported racial equality. In the 1850s, racism was rampant in the Midwest. When Douglas tried to portray Lincoln as a friend of blacks, Lincoln pushed back with denials, such as in a speech in Peoria, Illinois: Emancipation immediately undermined plans for freed blacks to colonize outside the United States. Colonization outside the United States was a perverse response to racial discrimination in both the North and the South. Lincoln scholar William Lee Miller writes: "He spoke at the Springfield Colonization Society meeting and defended colonization in a debate with Stephen Douglas; the president would encourage colonization in his first two annual messages, support it in a preliminary (though not final) emancipation proclamation, and make every effort to begin colonization projects near Haiti and Panama that proved entirely futile."244 Historian Michael Voorenberg writes: "Lincoln's belief in colonization... worked to his advantage in many of his conversations with Illinois Senator Stephen A. Douglas.... Lincoln was adamantly opposed to popular sovereignty and the extension of slavery, but his stance made him politically vulnerable to Douglas's accusation that he supported racial equality. In the 1850s, Lincoln's views of colonization were broadly divided, and he was adamant that he should have been ... In the 1960s, racism was rampant in the Midwest. When Douglas tried to portray Lincoln as a friend of black people, Lincoln pushed back with denials, such as in his speech in Peoria, Illinois: "Emancipation immediately undermined plans for freed blacks to colonize outside the United States. The colonization of freed slaves outside the United States was a perverse response to racism in both the North and the South." Lincoln scholar William Lee Miller writes: “He spoke at a meeting of the Colonization Society in Springfield and defended colonization in a debate with Stephen Douglas; the president would encourage colonization in his first two annual messages, support it in a preliminary (though not final) emancipation proclamation, and make every effort to initiate colonization projects near Haiti and Panama (which proved entirely futile).”244 Historian Michael Voorenberg writes: “Lincoln’s belief in colonization... worked in his favor in many conversations with Illinois Senator Stephen A. Douglas.... Lincoln was adamantly opposed to popular sovereignty and the extension of slavery, but this stance made him politically vulnerable to Douglas’s accusation that he supported racial equality. In the 1850s, racism was rampant in the Midwest. When Douglas tried to portray Lincoln as a friend of blacks, Lincoln pushed back with denials, such as in a speech in Peoria, Illinois:
One of the motives for the colonialization movement was that it recognized the threat of violence between tribes. Lincoln's home in Springfield, Illinois could not escape harassment by black residents. Some white Americans, like Lincoln, considered colonization as a way to solve other problems without solutions. Lincoln has understood not only to release slaves, but also to take responsibility for the social and economic impact of 4 million slaves, which is freedom but cannot afford economic food. 。 Lincoln recognized racism in both north and south. A historian David Lightner wrote: "Lincoln, who was struggling to have the people accept the slave liberation declaration, was absorbed in colonization experiment in 1862. 247.
"Lincoln seems to have made a political calculation that slave liberation cannot be proposed without proposing colonization," said historian Michael Volenberg. New York Tribune's editor, Hores Gllyley, recognized that it was a nonsense of the fall of the end of the year, but the conservatives accepted the slave liberation. I understood that I had to accept the suggestions for colonization: Steering, compensation, export-If these bathtubs enjoy whales, I can let him do it. " 。 Born in the political philosophy of Thomas Jefferson and Henry Clay, the colonialism packed in the hands of real interestist Lincoln is effective in treating political issues to do slaves released during the war. It was a means. In the latter half of 1862, the use of colonialism was used as a convenient means of liberation slave, so it is most likely that Lincoln will fuse these two ideas in him further and that one will exist without the other. It may be gone. 248 The colonization movement was one of the motives, recognizing the threat of violence between tribes. Lincoln's home in Springfield, Illinois could not escape harassment by black residents. Some white Americans, like Lincoln, considered colonization as a way to solve other problems without solutions. Lincoln has understood not only to release slaves, but also to take responsibility for the social and economic impact of 4 million slaves, which is freedom but cannot afford economic food. 。 Lincoln recognized racism in both north and south. A historian David Lightner wrote: "Lincoln, who was struggling to have the people accept the slave liberation declaration, was absorbed in colonization experiment in 1862. 247.
"Lincoln seems to have made a political calculation that slave liberation cannot be proposed without proposing colonization," said historian Michael Volenberg. New York Tribune's editor, Hores Gllyley, recognized that it was a nonsense of the fall of the end of the year, but the conservatives accepted the slave liberation. I understood that I had to accept the suggestions for colonization: Steering, compensation, export-If these bathtubs enjoy whales, I can let him do it. " 。 Born in the political philosophy of Thomas Jefferson and Henry Clay, the colonialism packed in the hands of real interestist Lincoln is effective in treating political issues to do slaves released during the war. It was a means. In the latter half of 1862, the use of colonialism was used as a convenient means of liberation slave, so it is most likely that Lincoln will fuse these two ideas in him further and that one will exist without the other. It may be gone. The 248 colonization movement was one of the motives, recognizing the threat of violence between tribes. Lincoln's home in Springfield, Illinois could not escape harassment by black residents. Some white Americans, like Lincoln, considered colonization as a way to solve other problems without solutions. Lincoln has understood not only to release slaves, but also to take responsibility for the social and economic impact of 4 million slaves, which is freedom but cannot afford economic food. 。 Lincoln recognized racism in both north and south. A historian David Lightner wrote: "Lincoln, who was struggling to have the people accept the slave liberation declaration, was absorbed in colonization experiment in 1862. 247.
"Lincoln seems to have made a political calculation that slave liberation cannot be proposed without proposing colonization," said historian Michael Volenberg. New York Tribune's editor, Hores Gllyley, recognized that it was a nonsense of the fall of the end of the year, but the conservatives accepted the slave liberation. I understood that I had to accept the suggestions for colonization: Steering, compensation, export-If these bathtubs enjoy whales, I can let him do it. " 。 Born in the political philosophy of Thomas Jefferson and Henry Clay, the colonialism packed in the hands of real interestist Lincoln is effective in treating political issues to do slaves released during the war. It was a means. In the latter half of 1862, the use of colonialism was used as a convenient means of liberation slave, so it is most likely that Lincoln will fuse these two ideas in him further and that one will exist without the other. It may be gone. 248
A historian Philip Show Paldan wrote that Lincoln's friends have supported Lincoln's gradualism and colonization. In late November 1862, David Davis, when Lincoln called a "close friend," visited the President to the White House and wrote a letter to his colleagues: "All Lincoln's soul is a retaliant slavery plan plan. I'm immersed. " Historian David W. Bright wrote: "Lincoln had started a mult i-layered effort to colonize free blacks from a long time ago. In March 1861, the Oscar Crosby instructed the Central America to find a place for black settlers. "
"However, many conservatives were convinced that a large amount of liberation slaves could stay in the United States without causing social anxiety. M. McParson. From 1861 to 1862, conservative Republican members. Democratic members were overwhelmingly supported by the abolition of blacks and the northern blacks as a solution to blacks and the northern blacks. James Red Pass promoted the northern black immigration to Haiti, and aimed to show a powerful country. Pass, like other slave abolitionists, accused the historian's colonization plan, which is a common purpose of driving blacks from the United States. In late November, Lincoln's friendly enthusiasm for Lincoln's gradualism and colonization, David Davis, who called Lincoln "close friends", was in the White House. He visited the president and wrote a letter to his colleagues: "All the souls of Lincoln are immersed in retaliation slave release plan." Historian David W. Bright wrote: "Lincoln had started a mult i-layered effort to colonize free blacks from a long time ago. In March 1861, the Oscar Crosby instructed the Central America to find a place for black settlers. "
"However, many conservatives were convinced that a large amount of liberation slaves could stay in the United States without causing social anxiety. M. McParson. From 1861 to 1862, conservative Republican members. Democratic members were overwhelmingly supported by the abolition of blacks and the northern blacks as a solution to blacks and the northern blacks. James Red Pass promoted the northern black immigration to Haiti, and aimed to show a powerful country. Pass, like other slave abolitionists, accused the 251 historian Philip Show Pardan, a 251 historian Philip Show Pardin, with a general purpose of driving blacks from the United States. In late November, Lincoln's "close friend", David Davis, in late November 1862, visited the White House to the White House. , I wrote a letter to my colleagues: "Lincoln's soul is all immersed in retaliation slave liberation plan." Historian David W. Bright wrote: "Lincoln had started a mult i-layered effort to colonize free blacks from a long time ago. In March 1861, the Oscar Crosby instructed the Central America to find a place for black settlers. "
"However, many conservatives were convinced that a large amount of liberation slaves could stay in the United States without causing social anxiety. M. McParson. From 1861 to 1862, conservative Republican members. Democratic members were overwhelmingly supported by the abolition of blacks and the northern blacks as a solution to blacks and the northern blacks. James Red Pass promoted the northern black immigration to Haiti, and aimed to show a powerful country. Pass, like other slaves, accused all of the colonization plan during the war, which is a common purpose to drive black from the United States.
Compensated emancipation and colonization were the two SOPs by which President Lincoln in 1862 disposed of anti-emancipation opponents. Historian Elbert B. Smith wrote of Lincoln's interest in colonization: "He was acutely aware of the deep racism that permeated not only the South but the entire North, and he feared the period of readjustment that emancipation would bring."252 President Lincoln also sought to make his case in black America. Historian Hans L. Trefouse wrote: "The President met with Edward M. Thomas at the White House on the afternoon of August 14, after Colonial Commissioner James Mitchell, who had long been active in the cause, had arranged a meeting. 253 Historian Michael Burlingame writes: "James Mitchell, a Methodist minister and former agent of the American Colonization Society, set up the meeting. Lincoln had worked with Mitchell in Illinois, and in 1862 he appointed him Superintendent General of Immigration for the Department of the Interior."254 Historian Michael Burlingame states: "It may well have been Congressional pressure to do something about colonization that drew Lincoln to Black Washington."255
President Lincoln then announced his colonization plan. "The proposal did not impress the black community, and Lincoln probably foresaw its shortcomings from the beginning, but he still courted the conservatives. 256 Lincoln told the black leaders: "Sacrifices were made in the American Revolution by those who served in the war, but it was a bright spot from the future. Marshal Washington endured greater physical hardships than he would have had if he had remained a British vassal. But he was a happy man, for he was engaged in doing something useful for his race, that is, for the children of his neighbors. 257 Historian Edna Green Medford writes that "Thomas... later wrote to Lincoln promising to unite black leaders throughout the North, encouraging the president in Thomas' belief that African Americans would 'join Hermione and maintain such a movement.'" The plan received little support in the African-American community.
A historian Michael Berlin game says: "Some blacks, including groups of slaves newly arrived in Washington, have supported colonization. Before that, colonization is private. He was reluctant, but he trusted the government that manages the program for their interests: "He is intelligent. Although it was born from observation and clear understanding of racism and limits of brothers, Lincoln stayed in its born country, despite its drawbacks of African Americans. I couldn't fully understand or understand the determination to try.
Historian Elbert B. Smith wrote about Lincoln's colonization: "He is keenly aware that there are racism not only in the southern part but also in the northern part, and the slave liberation brings. Lincoln, for example, was afraid of the r e-adaptation time, for example, in 1852, for example. "The idea of returning the children who have been separated from their ancestors to Africa by the ruthless hands of fraud and violence is moral aptitude." Lincoln researcher Frank J. Williams wrote, "This is not to make it a political highest priority." 262 Historian Michael Berlin Game wrote: "Some blacks, including the groups of slaves newly arrived in Washington, have supported colonization. Before that, colonization is private. He was reluctant, but he trusted the government that manages the program for their interests: "He said," He said, "He said," He said. Although it was born from intellectual observation and clear understanding of racism and limits of the brothers, Lincoln was born in African Americans despite its drawbacks. I couldn't fully understand or understand the determination to stay in the country.
Historian Elbert B. Smith wrote about Lincoln's colonization: "He is keenly aware that there are racism not only in the southern part but also in the northern part, and the slave liberation brings. Lincoln, for example, was afraid of the r e-adaptation time, for example, in 1852, for example. "The idea of returning the children who have been separated from their ancestors to Africa by the ruthless hands of fraud and violence is moral aptitude." Lincoln researcher Frank J. Williams wrote, "This is not to make it a political highest priority." 262 Historian Michael Berlin Games wrote: "Some blacks, including groups of slaves newly arrived in Washington, have supported colonization. Before that, colonization is private. He was reluctant, but he trusted the government that manages the program for his interests: "His identity is intelligent. Although it was born from the observation and the clear understanding of the racist and limits of the brothers, Lincoln is a country where African Americans were born, despite their drawbacks. I couldn't fully understand or understand the determination to stop.
Historian Elbert B. Smith writes about Lincoln's colonization: "He is keenly aware that there are racism not only in the southern part but also in the northern part, and slave liberation brings. Lincoln, for example, was afraid of the r e-adaptation time, for example, in 1852, for example. "The idea of returning the children who have been separated from their ancestors to Africa by the ruthless hands of fraud and violence is moral aptitude." Lincoln researcher Frank J. Williams wrote, "This is not to make it a political highest priority." 262
Nevertheless, the plan for the colonization plan continued in the fall of 1862 after President Lincoln announced the slave release declaration. Historian David W. Bright wrote: "By October 1862, Samuel Pomeloy, a Senator Kansas, was the main singer of the colonial system operation, 13. 700 black immigration applications. These two months ago, Pomeroy has widely announced the advantages of the Chiriki plan and the sublime purpose. Despite the sincere efforts of the government, the Central American colonization plan collapsed in the fall of 1862. It is clear that some fre e-black people were eager to migrate, but I don't think the blacks were as large enough to suggest Pomeloy's statistics. 263 Lincoln said, "We have been unfortunately spared support for many suspicious projects, trying to conclude a larg e-scale colonization of African Americans and concluded the colonization treaty with Latin America." Russell F. Wine Glee is written. 264 In an annual message about the parliament in December 1862, President Lincoln wrote: , but the plan for a trial colonization plan was that President Lincoln announced a slave release declaration. It continued in the fall of 1862. Historian David W. Bright wrote: "By October 1862, Samuel Pomeloy, a Senator Kansas, was the main singer of the colonial system operation, 13. 700 black immigration applications. These two months ago, Pomeroy has widely announced the advantages of the Chiriki plan and the sublime purpose. Despite the sincere efforts of the government, the Central American colonization plan collapsed in the fall of 1862. It is clear that some fre e-black people were eager to migrate, but I don't think the blacks were as large enough to suggest Pomeloy's statistics. 263 Lincoln said, "We have been unfortunately spared support for many suspicious projects, trying to conclude a larg e-scale colonization of African Americans and concluded the colonization treaty with Latin America." Russell F. Wine Glee is written. 264 In an annual message for Congress in December 1862, President Lincoln wrote: However, the plan for a trial colonization plan was in the fall of 1862 after President Lincoln announced a slave release declaration. Was continued. Historian David W. Bright wrote: "By October 1862, Samuel Pomeloy, a Senator Kansas, was the main singer of the colonial system operation, 13. 700 black immigration applications. These two months ago, Pomeroy has widely announced the advantages of the Chiriki plan and the sublime purpose. Despite the sincere efforts of the government, the Central American colonization plan collapsed in the fall of 1862. It is clear that some fre e-black people were eager to migrate, but I don't think the blacks were as large enough to suggest Pomeloy's statistics. 263 Lincoln said, "We have been unfortunately spared support for many suspicious projects, trying to conclude a larg e-scale colonization of African Americans and concluded the colonization treaty with Latin America." Russell F. Wine Glee is written. 264 President Lincoln wrote in an annual message about the Congress in December 1862:
Many of the African free Americans have requested my immigration to colonize in recent parliamentary laws. Other political parties in Japan and overseas have been driven by interests, one political party has been driven by patriotism, and one political party has been suggested by the philanthropic emotions. On the other hand, some of the Spanish American Republic protested to send such colonies to their own territory. Under these circumstances, I first do not obtain the consent of the state government, and the state government does not agree to accept and protect immigrants in all rights of the liberal people. Rejected to move to any state. At the same time, I offered some states in the tropical region to own a colony there, and under the advice of the Senate, under equal, fair and humanitarian conditions, such classes. We offered to negotiate with them so that people would voluntarily relocate to each territory. Liberia and Highty are the only countries where African settlers can be ensured, accepted and adopted as citizens. Unfortunately, those people who are thinking about colonization do not want to move to Liberia or Highty. African free Americans have made a request to agree with immigrants aimed at colonization in recent parliamentary law. Other political parties in Japan and overseas have been driven by interests, one political party has been driven by patriotism, and one political party has been suggested by the philanthropic emotions. On the other hand, some of the Spanish American Republic protested to send such colonies to their own territory. Under these circumstances, I first do not obtain the consent of the state government, and the state government does not agree to accept and protect immigrants in all rights of the liberal people. Rejected to move to any state. At the same time, I offered some states in the tropical region to own a colony there, and under the advice of the Senate, under equal, fair and humanitarian conditions, such classes. We offered to negotiate with them so that people would voluntarily relocate to each territory. Liberia and Highty are the only countries where African settlers can be ensured, accepted and adopted as citizens. Unfortunately, those people who are thinking about colonization do not want to move to Liberia or Highty. Many of the African free Americans have requested my immigration to colonize in recent parliamentary laws. Other political parties in Japan and overseas have been driven by interests, one political party has been driven by patriotism, and one political party has been suggested by the philanthropic emotions. On the other hand, some of the Spanish American Republic protested to send such colonies to their own territory. Under these circumstances, I first do not obtain the consent of the state government, and the state government does not agree to accept and protect immigrants in all rights of the liberal people. Rejected to move to any state. At the same time, I offered some states in the tropical region to own a colony there, and under the advice of the Senate, under equal, fair and humanitarian conditions, such classes. We offered to negotiate with them so that people would voluntarily relocate to each territory. Liberia and Highty are the only countries where African settlers can be ensured, accepted and adopted as citizens. Unfortunately, those people who are thinking about colonization do not seem to want to move to Liberia or Highty.
The Lincoln administration deepened his relationship with Haiti and approved the first black Ambassador, Ambassador Haiti, which was certified in Washington. Lincoln's legendary writer Joisha G. Holland wrote an annual message of President Lincoln in 1862: "This dream of this colonization that Lincoln has been so merciless and addicted to it is partial. He was destined to fail, so he didn't want to stay in a place where he could not be fully masculinated. Not only did he want to be, but he enjoyed all the rights as a citizen and wanted to be a place where he could live in an equal racial society with sel f-esteem. It was a sad mystery for him to like to abuse and live with a race that evaluates himself on a human scale. " 266 Other historians emphasize Lincoln's colonization plan. A historian David M. Potter wrote: "In addition to the cruelty of the story that Native Americans must seek equality in places other than their born land, Lincoln's plan is. It was completely unrealistic, and the Lincoln administration has deepened his relationship with Haichi and approved Lincoln's biography. G. Holland wrote about the annual message of President Lincoln's Congress in 1862: "This dream of colonization, which Lincoln has been so merciless and indulgent, fails to achieve partial realization. Lincoln loved Nigro too much, so she wanted to stay in a place where she could not be fully masculinated. Not only, but also all the rights as a citizen, with sel f-esteem and independence, he wanted to be a place where he could live in an equal racial society. It was a sad mystery for him to like to live with a race that evaluates himself on a lo w-scale scale. " 266 Other historians emphasize Lincoln's colonization plan. A historian David M. Potter wrote: "In addition to the cruelty of the story that Native Americans must seek equality in places other than their born land, Lincoln's plan is. The current birth rate was completely unrealistic, and the Lincoln Ambassador was approved for the first black Ambassador in Washington. Write about the annual message of President Lincoln's parliament in 1862: "This dream of colonization, which Lincoln was so merciless and accused, was destined to fail even partially realization. But Lincoln loved Nigro too much, so she didn't want to stay in a place where she was not allowed. He enjoyed all the rights as a citizen, and wanted to be a place where he could live in an equal racial society with sel f-esteem and independence. It was a sad mystery for him to prefer to live with a races that evaluated himself low. 266 Other historians emphasize Lincoln's colonization plan. A historian David M. Potter wrote: "In addition, the cruelty of the story that Native Americans must seek equality in places other than their born land, and Lincoln's plan. It was completely unrealistic.
There is a controversy on how much President Lincoln has committed to colonization and simply used as a political strategy. Historian Philip S. Paludan wrote that a historian, represented by James G. Landor, was directly and sincerely protected Lincoln's colonization. They wanted blacks to leave the country and persuade them to do so. 'Another school, Lincoln's advocacy was a strategy to spread the ant i-black opposition to the government, and was time for the slave release to work. Paldan writes: "The words on colonization are the basis for justifying Lincoln's goals and turmoil. Forced repatriation is often used as a synonym for colonization. When we talked about landization, it was usually ambiguous how many blacks were put in mind, but it was vague to how many people would go, but we had to balance the deportation and colonization. "I thought 271 Lincoln was not a compulsory colonialization, but a spontaneous thing.
For Linchan, colonization was a political tactic. Historian Gaball S. Borit says: "The colonization policy was superficial, no matter how honest, but for Lincoln, colonization approached from two aspects. For Lincoln, the colonization was one of the two consciousness, and the other was colonized. However, he avoided this truth until the condition was in place. His strategy was to propose a colonization to reduce slave liberation for conservatives in the northern and border zones, which were not separated during the Civil War. Lincoln uses Lincoln to prevent his ultimate goal from becoming a war goal that can prevent the colonization plan and make slave liberation a acceptable goal. Clarifically, it is clear that conservatives are easy to accept their gestures using the prospect of colonization, and after deciding on slave liberation in the final slave liberation declaration, all the efforts of colonization have been abandoned. The scheme emerges 273.
Build a case to abolish slavery
As the Civil War continued, President Lincoln continued to tighten the shackles on slavery. At the beginning of the war, Mr. Lincoln was adamantly opposed to compromise on the crucial issue of the expansion of slavery. Before the war, noted historian Richard Striner wrote: "Lincoln seemed to genuinely believe that the evil of slavery could be eradicated if the state restricted it. He seemed to believe that it was only a matter of time before the South would listen to the logic of spontaneous abolitionists."274 As the war progressed, Mr. Lincoln maintained his opposition to the existence of slavery. Historian Ron J. Keller writes: "President Lincoln and Congress had begun to impose the death penalty for slavery in 1863, but something more substantial was needed. On December 8, 1863, Lincoln, in his annual message to Congress, called for extending emancipation to the border states. He stopped short of accepting a proposal by Representative Isaac N. Arnold of Illinois to ask Congress to pass an abolitionist constitutional amendment, which he said would come soon."275
"Abraham Lincoln was not an emotional abolitionist; in fact, he was not a sentimentalist on any issue," wrote Pennsylvania Republican Alexander K. McClure. "He was a man of serious convictions and of extraordinary devotion to his faith."276 President Lincoln wanted to make emancipation legal and permanent, so he carefully considered the impact of his actions and those of Congress on the Constitution. Historian Brooks D. Simpson wrote: "The President... sincerely believed that emancipation could not be achieved by legislation alone.... The Supreme Court had defeated previous congressional efforts to limit the expansion of slavery. Lincoln maintained his belief that emancipation could be put on a permanent basis in only three ways: by justifying it as a war measure, by inducing Southern whites to voluntarily give up slavery through individual or state action, or by constitutional amendment. 277
"Lincoln understood the importance of his role, both politically and morally. Having decided to emancipate the slaves, Lincoln declared that he would not revoke the Emancipation Proclamation, even if military failure or political turmoil caused him to repeal the policy of emancipation. Lincoln praised the role played by black soldiers in preserving the Union and eliminating the vacuum, and vowed not to betray them. As the presence of black soldiers increased, Lincoln's resolve to emancipate the slaves deepened."278 Historian Hans L. Trefous writes: "Even in the face of serious opposition, Lincoln refused to change his mind about emancipation. 279 He strongly supported constitutional amendments to abolish slavery in Louisiana, Missouri, and Tennessee. When James Taussig, a radical Republican from Missouri, visited the president in 1863, Lincoln told him that the Union men in Missouri who favored gradual emancipation better represented his views than those who favored immediate emancipation. In his speeches, Lincoln often used the analogy of a lump in the back of the throat, which, if removed by surgery, would kill the patient, but gradual emancipation would preserve his life. ... M Radicals
Regarding his meeting with President Lincoln in August 1864, Army Chaplain John Eaton recalled: Eaton noted how amazing the degree to which the colored people were informed of the progress of the war, and said he wished he could use the "Vineyard Telegraph" to call on the inland fairies to leave their plantations in peace and seek the protection of our troops. As a war measure, he considered this justified. He explained the effect of such an exodus on Southern industry, in addition to the increase in our military strength. The Confederate soldiers were fed by black labor. Withdrawn from the labor force, the young men of the Southern army would soon be forced to return home to “raise hogs and hominy, thus hastening the downfall of the Confederacy.”281 President Lincoln had a similar conversation with black abolitionist Frederick Douglass.
At the same time, President Lincoln has promoted public opinion on slave liberation, and in the fall of 1864, Maryland, which owns slaves, has adopted a constitutional amendment to abolish slavery. John Haye says: "In this discussion on this troublesome problem, the most prominent example of this new temperament is not in Congress, but also by the House of Representatives Frank Blair and the Senator Henderson in the House of Representatives. It is said that it was said with the applied power and heavyness, but in this country, the people are always in front of the leaders and the parliament reflects (does not reflect) public opinion, so this extremely important concern. The most important signs of a new carrier are in Maryland, especially in Maryland. The most conservative and dignified state of the Federation is kept in this state of the true British immigrant, where the type of social and religious caste is kept more than any other state. Now, the most modest, most advanced common sense is used for this serious problem.
Slave trading
There is a problem for President Lincoln's compromise. A historian, James Oaks, wrote: "Since the import of slaves in 1808, the US government has fallen into catastrophic slave trade, with Frederick Douglas words. Shortly after Lincoln became president, the government stopped seeing. Within a few weeks of inauguration, the new president has ordered Secretar y-General Caleb Smith to be liable for a central responsibilities to prosecute those who have been hunt an African slave in Japan. Smith understood how Lincoln's deeply rejected slave merchants, and immediately formed a powerful team of lawyers and investigators. "In 1861, Captain Nasaniel Gordon's case was in a trial in New York, and the issue has reached a large mountain. President Lincoln refused to amnidance against Gordon, who was convicted of slave transportation to the Congo. At the same time, President Lincoln prompted the public opinion on slave liberation, and in the fall of 1864, he wrote a constitutional amendment. In the discussion on this troublesome problem, the most prominent example of this new temperament is that the lower house Frank Blair and the Senator Henderson of Henderson, not in parliament, have spoken out with outstanding application and heavyness on this theme. However, in this country, in this country, the most important signs of new and indifferent study of this extremely important concern, as the people are always in front of the leaders and the parliament reflects (does not reflect) public opinion. Is particularly the most conservative of the former colonial federation in the conservative citizens. In this state of the only true British immigrant, where the type of social and religious caste is kept more than any other state, this serious problem. The most modest, most advanced common sense is taken into account.
Slave trading
There is a problem for President Lincoln's compromise. A historian, James Oaks, wrote: "Since the import of slaves in 1808, the US government has fallen into catastrophic slave trade, with Frederick Douglas words. Shortly after Lincoln became president, the government stopped seeing. Within a few weeks of inauguration, the new president has ordered Secretar y-General Caleb Smith to be liable for a central responsibilities to prosecute those who have been hunt an African slave in Japan. Smith understood how Lincoln's deeply rejected slave merchants, and immediately formed a powerful team of lawyers and investigators. "In 1861, Captain Nasaniel Gordon's case was in a trial in New York, and the issue has reached a large mountain. President Lincoln refused to amnidance against Gordon, who was convicted of slave transportation to the Congo. At the same time, President Lincoln prompted the public opinion on slave liberation, and Mary Land, which has a slave, has adopted the constitutional amendment to slave. In the discussion on the problem, the most remarkable example of this new temperament is not in Congress, but by the House of Representatives Frank Blair and the Senator Henderson of Henderson, who have exudated this theme with outstanding applied skills and heavyness. However, in this country, the most important signs of new and indifferent consideration for this extremely important concern are maintenance, as the people always stand in front of the leader and the parliament is reflected (does not reflect) public opinion. In Maryland, in Maryland, it is particularly conservative and dignified. There is the most modest in this state of the British immigrants, where social and religious caste is kept more than any other state. , Exercise of the most advanced common sense. "
Slave trading
There is a problem for President Lincoln's compromise. A historian, James Oaks, wrote: "Since the import of slaves in 1808, the US government has fallen into catastrophic slave trade, with Frederick Douglas words. Shortly after Lincoln became president, the government stopped seeing. Within a few weeks of inauguration, the new president has ordered Secretar y-General Caleb Smith to be liable for a central responsibilities to prosecute those who have been hunt an African slave in Japan. Smith understood how Lincoln's deeply rejected slave merchants, and immediately formed a powerful team of lawyers and investigators. "In 1861, Captain Nasaniel Gordon's case was in a trial in New York, and the issue has reached a large mountain. President Lincoln refused to amnidance against Gordon, who was convicted of slave transportation to the Congo. 。
Gordon was sentenced to hang. Lincoln scholar Ron Sudalter writes: "Equal pressure was exerted on Lincoln by those who supported Smith's views and Creed Gordon's. Senator Charles Sumner of Massachusetts visited the White House on February 1 and later wrote to his friend, the eminent Catholic scholar and essayist Orestes A. Brownson: "I am against the death penalty, but I am in favor of hanging this convicted slave roadblock in New York for the following reasons: (1) to prevent slavery, (2) to signal a change in policy, and (3) to show that a governor could hang a person. Lincoln saw the evidence: "Lincoln looked at the evidence, considered whether to accept Gordon's lies, and rejected them. He died in March 1865. In late January, Illinois Congressman Henry Bromwell wrote, "We had a man (Gordon) convicted of piracy and slavery on the high seas. This was a case that needed an example, and I don't know how they followed and pressed for his downfall, or if his sentence was moved. But there was no freedom of speech. It had to be that way. It couldn't help him."284 President Lincoln wrote: "But in the name of justice, and under the dignity of the law, we should at least give a concrete example, of a professional slave, a Northern white man, whose deaths he and his kind inflicted on black people in the terror of the seas from Africa were so incalculable that he was given the precise penalty of death."285 Ron Sudalter wrote, "It would be highly improper to grant a pardon to a man whose crimes contributed, in a small but undeniable way, to a war that took so many lives."286 Lincoln refused to see Gordon's wife and turned down all his petitions for mercy. For domestic and foreign policy reasons, he felt he should make an example of Gordon. President Lincoln, despite his well-known sympathies, needed to send a message that he was serious about the slave trade. He had signed a treaty with Britain early in 1862 to cooperate in abolishing the slave trade. Grinnell and Simeon Draper oversaw the execution of Nathaniel Gordon. Gordon was sentenced to be hanged. Lincoln scholar Ron Sudalter writes: "Equal pressure was exerted on Lincoln by those who supported Smith's views and Creed Gordon's. Senator Charles Sumner of Massachusetts visited the White House on February 1 and later wrote to his friend, the eminent Catholic scholar and essayist Orestes A. Brownson: "I am against the death penalty, but I am in favor of hanging this convicted slave roadblock in New York for the following reasons: (1) to prevent slavery, (2) to signal a change in policy, and (3) to show that a state governor can hang a person. Lincoln saw the evidence: "Lincoln considered whether to accept Gordon's lies and rejected them. He died in March 1865. In late January, Illinois Congressman Henry Bromwell wrote, "We had a man (Gordon) convicted of piracy and slavery on the high seas. This was a case that needed an example, and I don't know how they followed and pressed for his downfall, or if his sentence was moved. But there was no freedom of speech. It had to be that way. It couldn't help him."284 President Lincoln wrote: "But in the name of justice, and under the dignity of the law, we should at least give a concrete example, of a professional slave, a Northern white man, whose deaths he and his kind inflicted on black people in the terror of the seas from Africa were so incalculable that he was given the precise penalty of death."285 Ron Sudalter wrote, "It would be highly improper to grant a pardon to a man whose crimes contributed, in a small but undeniable way, to a war that took so many lives."286 Lincoln refused to see Gordon's wife and turned down all his petitions for mercy. For domestic and foreign policy reasons, he felt he should make an example of Gordon. President Lincoln, despite his well-known sympathies, needed to send a message that he was serious about the slave trade. He had signed a treaty with Britain early in 1862 to cooperate in abolishing the slave trade. Grinnell and Simeon Draper oversaw the execution of Nathaniel Gordon. Gordon was sentenced to hang. Lincoln scholar Ron Sudalter writes: "Equal pressure was exerted on Lincoln by those who supported Smith's views and Creed Gordon's. Senator Charles Sumner of Massachusetts visited the White House on February 1 and later wrote to his friend, the eminent Catholic scholar and essayist Orestes A. Brownson: "I am against the death penalty, but I am in favor of hanging this convicted slave roadblock in New York for the following reasons: (1) to prevent slavery, (2) to signal a change in policy, and (3) to show that a state governor can hang a person. Lincoln saw the evidence: "Lincoln considered whether to accept Gordon's lies and rejected them. He died in March 1865. In late January, Illinois Congressman Henry Bromwell wrote, "We had a man (Gordon) convicted of piracy and slavery on the high seas. This was a case that needed an example, and I don't know how they followed and pressed for his downfall, or if his sentence was moved. But there was no freedom of speech. It had to be that way. It couldn't help him."284 President Lincoln wrote: "But in the name of justice, and under the dignity of the law, we should at least give a concrete example, of a professional slave, a Northern white man, whose deaths he and his kind inflicted on black people in the terror of the seas from Africa were so incalculable that he was given the precise penalty of death."285 Ron Sudalter wrote, "It would be highly improper to grant a pardon to a man whose crimes contributed, in a small but undeniable way, to a war that took so many lives."286 Lincoln refused to see Gordon's wife and turned down all his petitions for mercy. For domestic and foreign policy reasons, he felt he should make an example of Gordon. President Lincoln, despite his well-known sympathies, needed to send a message that he was serious about the slave trade. He had signed a treaty with Britain early in 1862 to cooperate in abolishing the slave trade. Grinnell and Simeon Draper oversaw the execution of Nathaniel Gordon.
Slave trading
Fixed Article 13 Massachusetts Setts Selected House of Representatives John B. Array recall: "Lincoln does not have a deeply carved evil and cruelty of slavery. Lincoln, who has no malicious intent, was sent from a New Berry Port town when I was a member of the House of Representatives. He was convicted of a number of years of imprisonment as a captain of a slave trade. The petition was not possible to pay the President and a letter to President Lincoln. If you admit the legitimacy of sin and sentence, and if the condition of freedom is a fine, you should spend your life in prison and do not have one cent in this world. The President's petition was written and read a letter and a petition: "I, as long as I can do it, or as possible, the worst crime. He believes that he is an extremely noble person who can merge and forgive people.
Fixed Article 13 Massachusetts Setts's election member John B. Array recall: "Lincoln has no people who have deeply carved the evil and cruelty of slavery. I have no malicious intent. " He was convicted of a fleet and was fined for a few years and was fined as a captain of a slave trade. The petition was not allowed, and the letter to President Lincoln was submitted to the President. If you acknowledge the legitimacy of sins and sentences, and if the conditions of freedom are fines, you should spend your life in prison and have no cent in this world. Read the letter and a petition, saying, "I am merely the perpetrators of the worst crime as possible, as possible, as possible. I believe that it is a very noble person that can be forgiven.
Fixed Article 13
Lincoln moved public opinion and moved his policy on slavery. Historian James O. Horton and Lois E. Horton wrote: "The war itself has changed Lincoln, as the declaration has changed the war, part of his change is African Americans. It was due to the role of the army in the war and the relationship with Frederick Douglas, "288 The 288 Black Slave Stolen Daviglor, who was able to criticize the Lincoln administration. Bright writes: "Douglas often talked about the educational essence of the war with an example of Lincoln. He was one of the people who criticized the President the most loudly, but he was Lincoln's racial problem. He acknowledged the transformation ability to "Douglas, even if he could not control the facts, he had wisdom to lead. "The 289 historian Eedna Green Medford states: The northern black reactions of the President's policy were created from the personal interests of the African American. Showed me to defend the freedom of the slaves than to defend the mental movement and the elaborate principles that were too abandoned. However, many northern blacks (especially leaders) have been under the control of the slaves, and their relatives have moved public opinion. Historian James O. Horton and Lois E. Horton wrote: "The declaration has changed the war, part of his change is African. It was due to the roles of the American army in the war and the relationship with Frederick Douglas, "288 Black Slaves, Frederic Douglas, and also supported the Lincoln administration. David Bright writes: "Douglas often talked about the educational essence of the war with an example of Lincoln. He was one of the people who criticized the President the most loudly, but he was Lincoln. He acknowledged the ability to change the species, "If he could not control the facts, Douglas had a wisdom to lead. I got on and swim. "The 289 historian Edna Green Medford states: The reaction of the northern blacks against the president's policy indicates the devastation of the African American's unique, personal interests in the consequences of dispute. For them, they defended the freedom of the slaves, which was more than a mental exercise. The northern blacks (especially the leaders) have left their relatives as slaves, and their policies on slavery. -Horton and Lois E. Horton wrote: "The war itself has changed Lincoln, just as the declaration has changed the war, part of his change is the African American army. It was due to the role of Frederick Douglas, "288 The 288 Black Slave abolished, Frederick Douglas, and the historian David Bright is here. I wrote: "Douglas often talked about the educational essence of the war with an example of Lincoln. He was one of the people who criticized the President the most loudly, but he has the ability to change Rincane's racial problem. He admitted, "Douglas said," If he couldn't control the fact, he had wisdom to lead it. The 289 historian Eedna Green Medford states that the northern black reaction to the northern blacks has gained devastation from the personal interests of African Americans. For them, they defended the freedom of the slaves, which was more than a mental exercise and the other part of the nation. Blacks (especially leaders) have been under the control of slaves and have left their relatives as slaves.
As the presidential election in 1864 approached, the Democratic Party and the Republican gaps over slavery began to spread. The Republican Party approved the constitutional revision to abolish slavery at the national convention in June. Lincoln's aide Noah Brooks describes when the Democratic Representative visited the White House to convey Lincoln's candidate: "The President seems to have been deeply moved by this speech, and quite a bit. He greeted the candidates with a short speech, and mentioned the pilgrims that would be a natural conclusion that would be the ultimate success of the Federal Simple. Was mentioned the constitutional amendment to the abolition of slavery: "Now, regardless of the north and south, unconditional people recognize and accept them. Is a legal form and work to give a practical effect. " "After the 291 Democratic Party National Convention, Theodore Tilton and Wendel Garison have visited Lincoln and talked for more than an hour," wrote a historian James Mc Farson. "The President thanked Garison's support and confessed that the Republican Platform was introduced at the request of the President. Garison felt that he had a" very meaningful thing. " As the presidential election in 1864 approached, the gaps of the Democratic Party and the Republican Party over slavery have spread. The Republican Party approved the constitutional revision to abolish slavery at the national convention in June. Lincoln's aide Noah Brooks describes when the Democratic Representative visited the White House to convey Lincoln's candidate: "The President seems to have been deeply moved by this speech, and quite a bit. He greeted the candidates with a short speech, and mentioned the pilgrims that would be a natural conclusion that would be the ultimate success of the Federal Simple. Was mentioned the constitutional amendment to the abolition of slavery: "Now, regardless of the north and south, unconditional people recognize and accept them. Is a legal form and work to give a practical effect. " "After the 291 Democratic Party National Convention, Theodore Tilton and Wendel Garison have visited Lincoln and talked for more than an hour," wrote a historian James Mc Farson. "The President thanked Garison's support and confessed that the Republican Platform was introduced at the request of the President. Garison felt that he had a" very meaningful thing. " As the presidential election in 1864 approached, the Democratic Party and the Republican gaps over slavery began to spread. The Republican Party approved the constitutional revision to abolish slavery at the national convention in June. Lincoln's aide Noah Brooks describes when the Democratic Representative visited the White House to convey Lincoln's candidate: "The President seems to have been deeply moved by this speech, and quite a bit. He greeted the candidates with a short speech, and mentioned the pilgrims that would be a natural conclusion that would be the ultimate success of the Federal Simple. Was mentioned the constitutional amendment to the abolition of slavery: "Now, regardless of the north and south, unconditional people recognize and accept them. Is a legal form and work to give a practical effect. " "After the 291 Democratic Party National Convention, Theodore Tilton and Wendel Garison have visited Lincoln and talked for more than an hour," wrote a historian James Mc Farson. "The President thanked Garison's support and confessed that the Republican Platform was introduced at the request of the President. Garison felt that he had a" very meaningful thing. "
The amendment was deliberated in Congress in the spring, but could not get more than tw o-thirds in the lower house. Article 13 of the Amendment stated: "Both slavery and no n-spontaneous slavery are punishable in the case of crime that the parties are legally convicted. Do not exist in. " In August 1864, Lincoln's r e-election was greatly dangerous, but the Democratic Party's split and the winning victory of the North Army became dominant in the fall. When he was elected in November, President Lincoln was able to promote the pass again. Historian Richard N. Current wrote: "When Lincoln was r e-elected based on this platform and the number of Democrats in Congress increased, he was clearly corrected. The newly selected parliament, which was justified of the people's support for Article 3, has been overwhelmingly large, and the Old Congress is held until the winter of 1864-65. However, Lincoln did not wait, "293, James A. Rory ... The
The r e-elected president has found a new power to work on slave liberation issues. Historian Michael Volenberg writes: "In the first few weeks after the election, Lincoln took two bold actions to secure black freedom. First, he died in October. Instead of Roger Tanny, he nominated the parliament to the parliamentary judge, who is famous for the freedom and equality of African Americans. "296 historian Brooks D. Simpson has been adopted," "The President has achieved many things since the beginning of 1865. The president has now witnessed the struggle, and has abolished the Federal State, Louisiana, and Tennessee. Is now in front of the constitutional amendment to end this strange system. "
President Lincoln processed the controversy over slavery in a way that sometimes bothered observers. President Lincoln was particularly concerned about maintaining the loyalty of the stat e-bordered residents in the early war, and was concerned that they would take the initiative in abolishing slavery as the war progressed. With the constitutional amendment, President Lincoln wanted to guarantee that the declaration of slave liberation was applied permanently and universally, that is, the released slave was released. Historian Philip S. Pardin states: "Interestingly, it was a slave Senator John Henderson in Missouri who submitted the first slave liberation revision in January 1864. Although Lincoln is not surprising, it is not surprising that the challenge of slavery will be a big hit. Lincoln had a close cooperation, and was one of the House of Representatives John, a member of Lincoln, to change the number of votes in the House of Representatives. Rollins recalls a very enthusiastic President Lincoln for the fix:
Lincoln often told me about the slave release declaration. He hardly believed the effect. I heard he said several times, but it affects only the freedom, that is, the one behind the South Army front, and of course remaining on the South Army front. It will not reach the number of slaves. For this reason, the president was very worried about the establishment of Article 13 of the Constitutional Fix from 1863 to 1965, but this amendment was submitted to the Senate again by John B. Henderson, the creator of Missouri. After passing the hospital, he was sent to the lower house. The president has expressed a deep concern that this big bill will be passed several times in front of me. The president counted many times and confirmed the strength of the bill in the retirement in the lower house as much as possible. About 10 or two weeks before the deliberation in the lower house began, I received a note written on a card with a pencil while sitting at my desk. I answered that I would go at 9:00 the next morning. I was happy to call, but he was in the office. Rollins, there is a story: "I wanted to talk a little about Rollins, Article 13 of the Constitutional Fix ... I heard almost no effect, but it only affects the freedom, that is, the one behind the South Army. The president was very worried about the enormous number of slaves remaining in the army. The proposal was submitted to the Senate again by John B. Henderson of Missouri, and the President was sent to the House of Representatives several times in front of me. The president has expressed many votes in the r e-testing in the retirement in the lower house. About two weeks ago, when I was sitting at home, I received a note on the card with a pencil. He was in the office, "I wanted to talk a little about Rollins, Article 13 of the Constitution. He heard almost no effect, but it only affected the person who was free, in the Southern Army. Of course, the president was very worried about the enormous number of slaves remaining in the South Army. This amendment was submitted to the Senate again by the creator, John B. Henderson, and was sent to the lower house several times in front of me. The presidents have repeatedly voted for their significant concerns and have begun this bill in the lower house. About two or two weeks ago, I was happy to say that I was sitting at home and I received a memo on the card with a pencil. But he was in the office, "I wanted to talk a little about Rollins, Article 13 of the Constitution.
If you come to see me, you can sue to agree with this amendment. It will be a very close battle. It will be determined by the difference of several votes. I am one of the largest slave owners in Missouri's most powerful slave district and unfortunately lived, but the decision to vote for Article 13 has already been solidified. "When he reached out from the chair and picked up my hand, he said a heartfelt handshake:" I'm very happy to hear it. How many of the Missouri House of Representatives? I asked if I agree with Article 13, "I answered that I couldn't say it. He was an excellent North Army, "What about King? He asked King and King, "I want you to tell them that I want to pass this bill. If you are going to meet you, you will be able to make a close contact with this. I am one of the largest slave owners in Missouri's most powerful slave district, but he has already decided to vote in Article 13. When I reached out and picked up my hand, I said with a heartfelt handshake: "I'm very happy to hear that. He is a member of the Missouri House of Representatives, and how many more are revised. I asked me to agree with me, "I answered that I couldn't say it. Colonel, Colonel, and Colonel McLag, as well as the Republican Party. He said. I wasn't able to answer the North Army, "What about King? He asked him to work: "I want you to tell them that I want to pass this bill. If you come to me, you will be the most powerful. He is one of the largest slave owners on behalf of the slave district, but he has already reached out to the revision of Article 13. When I picked my hand, I said with a heartfelt handshake: "I'm very happy to hear that. He asked me how many of the House of Representatives in Missouri would agree with Article 13 of the correction. "I answered that I couldn't say it. Not only the Republican Party, but also loan, Blow, Boyd, and Colonel McLag would agree. He said. He's an excellent North Army. I answered. "So what about King? I answered that I didn't know, and I asked Linkan to work on the Rosins for a correction. Ta: "I want them to tell them what I want to pass this bill. If this amendment is passed, all the states in contact with the borders will vote.
Lincoln's efforts were fruitful. Representative Lollins spoke in the House of Representatives to establish Article 13 of the Correction, and said: "Three years ago, they refused to offer the United States President. He was wiser than us. We have seen the difficulties of standing in front of us, but we saw the promised arc lying in the sky, and we knew what we should come, and wiped out the slavery from the state bordered, and the faithful of these states. The most unconditional act of the United States administration was refused to provide the United States to provide US support to compensate for the loss of the labor and property. Initially, I changed my position, probably because I agreed with this proposal. Now that the slaves are gone and they are empty, I am convinced that I was just in favor of Kentucky, the United States. After selecting a Senator, he read the
President Lincoln lobbied on many fronts to secure the necessary votes. Historian Michael Burlingame writes: "Lincoln employed another Democratic congressman, lame-duck Congressman Samuel S. Cox of Ohio, to lobby. Cox, a respected member of the House, had voted against the amendment in the spring but changed his mind after the election. In December, he met with New York Democratic leaders S. L. M. Barlow, Samuel J. Tilden, and Manton Marble about the amendment, hoping to resolve the political divide on the slavery issue. Cox argued that the party should make a "pro-slavery cause" and "get rid of those elements of slavery which have always kept us in the minority and on the defensive." Cox likely did not vote for the amendment because he was feared by New York Democrats. "Cox did not support the amendment because he was feared by New York Democrats. But he seemed to appeal to some Democrats, and Seward, who organized lobbying for the amendment, later said that Congress owed more to Ohio congressmen than to any other congressman that the amendment abolishing African slavery was passed," Burlingame wrote. "There is no evidence that Lincoln ever abolished slavery.
Supporters of the Thirteenth Amendment used a variety of arguments to advance their cause. Historian Michael Voorenberg writes: "During the summer, Lincoln advocated the amendment as an alternative to the Wade-Davis Bill, which many perceived as an attempt to reorganize Southern society, helping to give the amendment an anti-radical color. Now, in the final debate on the amendment, Alexander Kofros, a Democrat from Pennsylvania who had opposed the amendment six months earlier, became more conservative. With the amendment passed, he announced, "prejudice will 'shrive from pain and die among its worshippers.'" No permanent rights were secured, and the status of slavery as it existed under the local laws of the states before the war would remain after the restoration of peace. If freed slaves were found in these states or returned to these states, they would be subject to slavery as before. Without a constitutional amendment, it would be impossible to give freedom to millions of black slaves and then re-enslave them. 303 Maine Representative James G. Blaine wrote in his memoirs that the president acted so forcefully because he believed that:
Article 13 of the Constitution revealed that President Lincoln was the most aggressive in parliamentary issues. Historian Michael Volenberg writes: "The most important thing in Lincoln's reasons for the quick adoption of the revised clause was the voice of the people seeking the correction clause. 1864. During the election period, the amendment was generally neglected, but the people declared that the election results were abolished. " The abolition of slaves, the promulgation was not applied to faithful slaves, and it was legal during the war, but there was a possibility that the war could be disgusted. By July 1864, 2, 000 petitions for the abolition of slavery were gathered. Senator Charles Samuna and Henry Wilson guaranteed the abolition of slavery when the petition movement was greatly helped to approve of the parliamentary amendment to slavery. " The article revealed that President Lincoln was the most aggressive in parliamentary issues. Historian Michael Volenberg writes: "The most important thing in Lincoln's reasons for the quick adoption of the revised clause was the voice of the people seeking the correction clause. 1864. During the election period, the amendment was generally neglected, but the people declared that the election results were abolished. " The abolition of slaves, the promulgation was not applied to faithful slaves, and it was legal during the war, but there was a possibility that the war could be disgusted. By July 1864, 2, 000 petitions for the abolition of slavery were gathered. The Senator Charles Samuna and Henry Wilson guaranteed the slavery abolition theoretics, when the petition movement was greatly helped in a parliamentary approval for the abolition of slavery. President Lincoln revealed that he was the most aggressive in parliamentary issues. Historian Michael Volenberg writes: "The most important thing in Lincoln's reasons for the quick adoption of the revised clause was the voice of the people seeking the correction clause. 1864. During the election period, the amendment was generally neglected, but the people declared that the election results were abolished. " The abolition of slaves, the promulgation was not applied to faithful slaves, and it was legal during the war, but there was a possibility that the war could be disgusted. By July 1864, 2, 000 petitions for the abolition of slavery were gathered. Senator Charles Samuna and Henry Wilson guaranteed the abolition of slavery when the petition movement was greatly helped in the parliamentary approval for the abolition of slavery.
In fact, as Michael Voorenberg points out, pressure came not only from the president but also from the public during the January 1865 Congress. “Calls for an Emancipation Amendment came to Congress from Northern and border voters, from state legislatures, and from conventions. 307 President Lincoln himself actively lobbied for the amendment. “In a word,” wrote Massachusetts Representative George S. Boutwell, “all the powers of the Presidency were exercised to ensure that a resolution to present the amendment to the Union was passed in the Thirty-eighth Congress.” 308 President Lincoln refused to get involved in a dispute that might have secured him the New Jersey vote, since it would have put him up against Massachusetts Senator Charles Sumner. Ashley biographer Robert F. Horowitz writes: "Although there is no direct evidence that Sumner was involved in lobbying, on the day the joint resolution was voted on, New Jersey Democratic Congressman Andrew Rogers was absent; he was unable to attend due to illness. Ohio Democrat Samuel S. Cox ("Sunset") appears to have helped keep Rogers at home. Secretary of State Seward and the highly organized lobby operating under his direction should be credited with six votes for the resolution." 309 Williams wrote: "It is difficult to imagine that a deal was reached.
About 40 years after the Civil War began, Lincoln's friend Henry C. Whitney wrote: "Slaves are just ugly memories now, but slavery is from 1830 to 1860. Thirty years, the most powerful system in the United States, all the United States and the Supreme Court, except for the new era. The Army and the Navy have been auxiliary institution. Even the social life was written by the parliamentary. The word was a combination of immigrants from the Congo and the residents of the Ocmulggy River, and had both race and bar.
Lincoln's heritage
Historian Allen C. Gerzo said, "Lincoln has adopted the complex opposition to slavery. The abolition of slavery has a sense of morality that has awakened. The president was more than we recognize for the long shaking of the political economy and the disgusting of the people, such as the efforts of slaves in parliament, in parliament. He did not have an illusion about the sacredness and the harm of the enemy, and was always conscious of the cost of human life and treasure for the most sublime result. " The article was passed. Although he had no legal obligations, President Lincoln signed this law. This will be ratified by the end of 1865 after Lincoln's death. Linkan's friend Henry C. Whitney wrote nearly 40 years after the Civil War began, "Slave system is just ugly memory, but the slavery has been around 1830. Until 1860, the United States was the most powerful system in the United States, except for the new era. Almost all of the parliament was contributed to the Saratoga, and the Navy. Even the social life in the West Points is also a crowd of empaths. The court's words were, in effect, a combination of immigrants from the Congo and the inhabitants of the Ocmulggy River, and had a hit of both race and bar.
Lincoln's heritage
Historian Allen C. Gerzo said, "Lincoln has adopted the complex opposition to slavery. The abolition of slavery has a sense of morality that has awakened. The president was more than we recognize for the long shaking of the political economy and the disgusting of the people, such as the efforts of slaves in parliament, in parliament. He did not have an illusion about the sacredness and the harm of the enemy, and was always conscious of the cost of human life and treasure for the most sublime result. " The article was passed. Although he had no legal obligations, President Lincoln signed this law. This will be ratified by the end of 1865 after Lincoln's death. About 40 years after the Civil War began, Lincoln's friend Henry C. Whitney wrote: "Slaves are just ugly memories now, but slavery is from 1830 to 1860. Thirty years, the most powerful system in the United States, all the United States and the Supreme Court, except for the new era. The Army and the Navy have been auxiliary institution. Even the social life was written by the parliamentary. The word was a combination of immigrants from the Congo and the residents of the Ocmulggy River, and had both race and bar.
Lincoln's heritage
Historian Allen C. Gerzo said, "Lincoln has adopted the complex opposition to slavery. The abolition of slavery has a sense of morality that has awakened. The president was more than we recognize for the long shaking of the political economy and the disgusting of the people, such as the efforts of slaves in parliament, in parliament. He did not have an illusion about the sacredness and the harm of the enemy, and was always conscious of the cost of human life and treasure for the most sublime result. " The article was passed. Although he had no legal obligations, President Lincoln signed this law. This will be ratified by the end of 1865 after Lincoln's death.
At the end of the war, Lincoln began to focus on rebuilding, especially black voting in Louisiana. "When evaluating Lincoln's role, it is necessary to keep the two facts covered by the century during this time. It was first necessary for equal citizenship, and at least until the election of 1864, there was no guarantee that slavery was completely destroyed. The president also had to deal with the reality of racism in both the northern and southern part: "The slavery is large. In the situation on the frontier where the hatred of the free black group is still widespread, it could not easily disappear as a candle. " 315 Lincoln told Texas, Texas, that the destruction of slavery was necessary for war, but it was fully aware that the sudden disappearance would bring a major disaster. Lincoln himself thought that there was no contradiction in the gradual liberation of slavery and its declaration. I hope that the majority of Texas people agree with this proposal, but if we are ... the Texas government
A true politician was needed to rebuild the nation after the Civil War and build a bridge between whites and blacks. Historian Steven B. Oats wrote to Lincoln that "there was no racial prejudice that even advanced Republican members, such as Benjamin Wade, many white people at the time, were infected." I am. Oats wrote that African Americans testified them, as the president wanted to be treated as emotional humans. The president does not say dialogue jokes in front of them, without looking down on them, and write their thoughts in one syllable words, as many other white people talked to black. Not. He opened the White House door to black visitors. "317 At the end of the war, Lincoln had begun to focus on rebuilding, especially black voting in Louisiana, especially in Louisiana." In the meantime, when evaluating the role of Lincarn, " It is necessary to clearly keep the two facts that have been covered with a clarity, and at least for the election in 1864, it is necessary to keep them in mind. Was no guarantee that he would be completely destroyed, "while working on the reconstruction, slavery, and separation, and the reality of racism in both the northern and southern part. A historian Jean H. Baker wrote about Maryland: "The slavery is still in the middle of a larg e-scale hatred. I couldn't disappear. " 315 Lincoln told Texas, Texas, that the destruction of slavery was necessary for war, but it was fully aware that the sudden disappearance would bring a major disaster. Lincoln himself thought that there was no contradiction in the gradual liberation of slavery and its declaration. I hope that the majority of Texas people agree with this proposal, but if we are ... the Texas government
A true politician was needed to rebuild the nation after the Civil War and build a bridge between whites and blacks. Historian Steven B. Oats wrote to Lincoln that "there was no racial prejudice that even advanced Republican members, such as Benjamin Wade, many white people at the time, were infected." I am. Oats wrote that African Americans testified them, as the president wanted to be treated as emotional humans. The president does not say dialogue jokes in front of them, without looking down on them, and write their thoughts in one syllable words, as many other white people talked to black. Not. He opened the White House door to black visitors. "At the end of the 317 War, Lincoln had begun to focus on rebuilding, especially black voting in Louisiana, especially in Louisiana, and said a historian Rawanda Cox," In the event of evaluating Lincarn's role, the century during this time is covered. It is necessary to clearly keep the two facts in mind, and the destruction of slavery is necessary for equal citizens, at least until the fall of 1864. There was no guarantee to be destroyed, "While working on reconstruction, slave, and separation, President Lincoln had to deal with the reality of racism in both the northern and southern part. A historian Gene H. Baker wrote about Land State: "The slavery is easy to disappear like a candle in the situation in the frontiers where the hatred of larg e-scale fre e-black groups is still widespread. I couldn't. " 315 Lincoln told Texas, Texas, that the destruction of slavery was necessary for war, but it was fully aware that the sudden disappearance would bring a major disaster. Lincoln himself thought that there was no contradiction in the gradual liberation of slavery and its declaration. I hope that the majority of Texas people agree with this proposal, but if we are ... the Texas government
A true politician was needed to rebuild the nation after the Civil War and build a bridge between whites and blacks. A historian Steven B. Oats wrote to Lincoln that "there was no racial prejudice that even advanced Republican members, such as Benjamin Wade, at the time, were infected." I am. Oats wrote that African Americans testified them, as the president wanted to be treated as emotional humans. The president does not say dialogue jokes in front of them, without looking down on them, and write their thoughts in one syllable words, as many other white people talked to black. Not. He opened the White House door to black visitors. "317
Abraham Lincoln was very serious about slavery. Lincoln scholar Paul M. Angle writes: "When he discussed the issue of slavery, it was with a seriousness that excluded humor. He continued to develop his ideas with a narrow logic."318 Historian David Lightner writes: "Abraham Lincoln was truly committed to the ideal of human equality, not only at the end of his life but throughout his formative years in American politics."319 Historian Richard J. Carwardine writes: "One thing is certain: On the issue of race, Lincoln in 1865 had far surpassed his 1858 ideas. In Washington, he was the first leader to welcome blacks to the White House, to invite them to formal receptions, and to include blacks in the inaugural procession."320 For Abraham Lincoln, the equality clause of the Declaration of Independence was fundamental to the country's past and future. Historian Roger G. Kennedy writes: "In 1861, In 1811, Abraham Lincoln bought his country and Jefferson's Lost Cause. His first task was to resurrect Jefferson's words for a statement celebrating a new order in the universe. The wars fought to extend slavery and slavery made this glorious vision a false one. The South had returned to the old, disastrous order. But Lincoln restored to the concept of the Union the moral content originally provided by Jefferson, and by incorporating the Preamble and Jefferson's Declaration of Independence into one charter of liberty, he largely eliminated the intrusive confusion. 321 Abraham Lincoln was serious about slavery. Lincoln scholar Paul M. Angle writes: "When he discussed the issue of slavery, it was with a seriousness that excluded humor. He continued to develop his ideas in a narrow logic. 318 Historian David Lightner writes: "Abraham Lincoln was truly committed to the ideal of human equality, not only in the latter stages of his life, but throughout his formative years in American politics." 319 Historian Richard J. Carwardine writes: "One thing is certain: On racial issues, Lincoln in 1865 had gone far beyond his 1858 views. In Washington, he welcomed blacks to the White House, invited them to formal receptions, and was the first leader to include blacks in the inaugural procession." 320 For Abraham Lincoln, the equality clause of the Declaration of Independence was fundamental to the nation's past and future. Historian Roger G. Kennedy writes: "In 1861, Lincoln In 1811, Abraham Lincoln bought his country and Jefferson's Lost Cause. His first task was to resurrect Jefferson's words for a statement celebrating a new order in the universe. The wars fought to extend slavery and slavery made this glorious vision a false one. The South had returned to the old, disastrous order. But Lincoln restored to the concept of the Union the moral content originally provided by Jefferson, and by incorporating the Preamble and Jefferson's Declaration of Independence into a single charter of liberty, he largely eliminated the intrusive confusion. 321 Abraham Lincoln was serious about slavery. Lincoln scholar Paul M. Angle writes: "When he discussed the issue of slavery, it was with a seriousness that excluded humor. He continued to develop his ideas in a narrow logic. 318 Historian David Lightner writes: "Abraham Lincoln was truly committed to the ideal of human equality, not only in the latter stages of his life, but throughout his formative years in American politics." 319 Historian Richard J. Carwardine writes: "One thing is certain: On racial issues, Lincoln in 1865 had gone far beyond his 1858 views. In Washington, he welcomed blacks to the White House, invited them to formal receptions, and was the first leader to include blacks in the inaugural procession." 320 For Abraham Lincoln, the equality clause of the Declaration of Independence was fundamental to the nation's past and future. Historian Roger G. Kennedy writes: "In 1861, Lincoln In 1811, Abraham Lincoln bought his country and Jefferson's Lost Cause. His first task was to resurrect Jefferson's words for a statement celebrating a new order in the universe. Slavery and the wars fought to extend its rule made this glorious vision a sham; the South reverted to the old, disastrous order. But Lincoln restored to the concept of the Union the moral content originally provided by Jefferson, and by combining the Preamble and Jefferson's Declaration of Independence into one charter of liberty, he largely eliminated the intrusive confusion. 321
By the time of his assassination in April 1865, even Lincoln's critics had begun to understand his policies. Senator Charles Sumner, in his eulogy delivered seven weeks after President Lincoln's death, stated: "From the time the first gun was fired, it was evident that the rebellion was nothing other than armed slavery. But so great was the power of slavery even in the free states that months passed before this gigantic criminal was directly attacked. The generals on the ground were as gentle on this point as if it were a church or a work of art. Only under the master of destruction could the country rise."322 Sumner said: "In stating moral truths and exposing errors, he was at times singularly persuasive. There was fire and light in his words. No one ever demonstrated the greatness of slavery more clearly. At one time he denounced it as a 'grotesque injustice.'" In another scene, he depicted a slave master "kneading bread in the sweat of other men's faces." And in yet another scene, he stated, in very simple terms, that if slavery is not wrong, nothing is wrong."323
In 1864, Secretary of State William H. Seward told artist Francis B. Carpenter, "When Abraham Lincoln was elected president, slavery was gone. The business of this Administration is to put down rebellions and preserve the Union."324 In 1865, Lincoln called emancipation "the central act of my Administration, the great event of the nineteenth century." Historian Michael Burlingame writes: "Lincoln suggested to Charles Sumner, 'The names connected with this subject will never be forgotten. I have emancipated, but I have also emancipated the white man."326
About the Author He received his MA and PhD in History from the University of Maryland. Michael Burlingame is professor of history at Washington College and senior writer for the Dwight D. Eisenhower Memorial Commission. He is the author of a massive two-volume biography, Abraham Lincoln: A Life and The Inner World of Abraham Lincoln, and has edited several books by Lincoln's contemporaries and subordinates during the Civil War. He holds the Naomi B. Lin Distinguished Chair in Lincoln Studies at the University of Illinois at Springfield.
Stroner has been well developed while skillfully utilizing the research of outstanding historian, such as James M. Mc Farson, Rawanda Cox, Harry V Juffa, and William Lee Miller. By quoting Lincoln's advocacy by academic slaves such as William Lloyd Gallison and Owen Lavjoy, it would have been possible to strengthen the argument. But he quoted a wel l-known speech by Frederick Douglas in 1865. The black speech emphasized Lincoln as "President Black President and respects their human rights."
Other books and articles Stroners are skillfully asserted while skillfully taking advantage of outstanding historian research, such as James M. Mc Farson, Rawanda Cox, Harry V Juffa, and William Lee Miller. It is developing well. By quoting Lincoln's advocacy by academic slaves such as William Lloyd Gallison and Owen Lavjoy, it would have been possible to strengthen the argument. But he quoted a wel l-known speech by Frederick Douglas in 1865. The black speech emphasized Lincoln as "President Black President and respects their human rights."
Other books and articles Streeters have successfully expanded their claims while skillfully utilizing their outstanding historian research, such as James M. Mc Farson, Rawanda Cox, Harry V Juffa, and William Lee Miller. I am. By quoting Lincoln's advocacy by academic slaves such as William Lloyd Gallison and Owen Lavjoy, it would have been possible to strengthen the argument. But he quoted a wel l-known speech by Frederick Douglas in 1865. The black speech emphasized Lincoln as "President Black President and respects their human rights."
Other books and articles
Arnold, Isaac N. The History of Abraham Lincoln and the Overthrow of Slavery (Clarke & amp; amp; Co., 1866). Beck, Warren A. 「Lincoln and Negro Colonization in Central America」, Abraham Lincoln Quarterly, 1950. ベネット Jr. Forced Into Glory： Abraham Lincoln's White Dream (εκδόσειςジョンソン, 2000). Berlin, Ira, Barbara J. Fields, Steven F. Miller, Joseph P. Reidy και Leslie S. Lowland. Rowland. Freedom： A Documentary History of Emancipation (Cambridge University Press, 1982). Bilotta, James D. Race and the Rise of the Republican Party, 1848-1865 (Peter Lang, 1992). Blight, David και Brooks Simpson. Union & amp; amp; Emancipation： Essays on Politics and Race in the Civil War Era (Kent State University Press, 1997). Cox, Lawanda. Lincoln and Black Freedom (University of South Carolina Press, 1981). Dudley, William, επιμελητής. The Civil War: Opposing Viewpoints (Greenhaven, 1994). Fehrenbacher, Don E. 「Only His Stepchildren, Lincoln and the Negro」, Civil War History, 1947. Fields, Barbara. Slavery and Freedom on the Middle Ground： Fields, Barbara. Slavery and Freedom on the Middle Ground: Maryland during the Nineteenth Century (Yale University Press, 1985). Χάρντινγκ, Βίνσεντ. There is a River： There is a River: The Black Struggle for Freedom in America (Harcourt, 1981). Holzer, Harold και Sara Vaughn Gabbard, συντάκτες. リンカーンと自由： Slavery, Emancipation, and the Thirteenth Amendment (Southern Illinois University Press, 2007). Hubbard, Charles M. επιμέλεια. Lincoln and His Contemporaries (Mercer University Press, 1999). Klement, Frank L. "Midwestern Opposit
Lincoln moved public opinion and moved his policy on slavery. Historian James O. Horton and Lois E. Horton wrote: "The war itself has changed Lincoln, as the declaration has changed the war, part of his change is African Americans. It was due to the role of the army in the war and the relationship with Frederick Douglas, "288 The 288 Black Slave Stolen Daviglor, who was able to criticize the Lincoln administration. Bright writes: "Douglas often talked about the educational essence of the war with an example of Lincoln. He was one of the people who criticized the President the most loudly, but he was Lincoln's racial problem. He acknowledged the transformation ability to "Douglas, even if he could not control the facts, he had wisdom to lead. "The 289 historian Eedna Green Medford states: The northern black reactions of the President's policy were created from the personal interests of the African American. Showed me to defend the freedom of the slaves than to defend the mental movement and the elaborate principles that were too abandoned. However, many northern blacks (especially leaders) have been under the control of the slaves, and their relatives have moved public opinion. Historian James O. Horton and Lois E. Horton wrote: "The declaration has changed the war, part of his change is African. It was due to the roles of the American army in the war and the relationship with Frederick Douglas, "288 Black Slaves, Frederic Douglas, and also supported the Lincoln administration. David Bright writes: "Douglas often talked about the educational essence of the war with an example of Lincoln. He was one of the people who criticized the President the most loudly, but he was Lincoln. He acknowledged the ability to change the species, "If he could not control the facts, Douglas had a wisdom to lead. I got on and swim. "The 289 historian Edna Green Medford states: The reaction of the northern blacks against the president's policy indicates the devastation of the African American's unique, personal interests in the consequences of dispute. For them, they defended the freedom of the slaves, which was more than a mental exercise. The northern blacks (especially the leaders) have left their relatives as slaves, and their policies on slavery. -Horton and Lois E. Horton wrote: "The war itself has changed Lincoln, just as the declaration has changed the war, part of his change is the African American army. It was due to the role of Frederick Douglas, "288 The 288 Black Slave abolished, Frederick Douglas, and the historian David Bright is here. I wrote: "Douglas often talked about the educational essence of the war with an example of Lincoln. He was one of the people who criticized the President the most loudly, but he has the ability to change Rincane's racial problem. He admitted, "Douglas said," If he couldn't control the fact, he had wisdom to lead it. The 289 historian Eedna Green Medford states that the northern black reaction to the northern blacks has gained devastation from the personal interests of African Americans. For them, they defended the freedom of the slaves, which was more than a mental exercise and the other part of the nation. Blacks (especially leaders) have been under the control of slaves and have left their relatives as slaves.
授業計画
ヒストリー・ナウ：奴隷制と人種に関するエイブラハム・リンカーン
http://www. historynow. org/12_2005/lp1. html
奴隷解放宣言（エイブラハム・リンカーン協会）
http://www. abrahamlincolnassociation. org/edmaterials. htm
参考文献
Douglas L. Wilson and Roderick Davis, editors, Herndon's informants, p. 239 (letter from Samuel Parks to William H. Herndon, March 25, 1866).
Robert H. Browne, Abraham Lincoln and the men of his time, p. 285.
Robert H. Browne, Abraham Lincoln and the men of his time, p. 505-506. 505-506.
ロイ・P・バスラー編『エイブラハム・リンカーン著作集（CWAL）』第 2 巻、pp. 492 （1858 年 7 月 10 日、シカゴでの演説）。
Harry V. Jaffa, A new birth of liberty: Abraham Lincoln and the advent of the Civil War, p. 303.
Francis Fisher Browne, The Daily Life of Abraham Lincoln, p. 146.
William A. Blair and Karen Fisher Younger, editor, The Lincoln Declaration: emancipation revisited, p. 16 (Paul Finkelman, 「Lincoln and the Conditions for Emancipation」).
Saul Sigelschaffer, The American Conscience： The Drama of the Lincoln-Douglas Debates, p. 327.
"Lincoln seems to have made a political calculation that slave liberation cannot be proposed without proposing colonization," said historian Michael Volenberg. New York Tribune's editor, Hores Gllyley, recognized that it was a nonsense of the fall of the end of the year, but the conservatives accepted the slave liberation. I understood that I had to accept the suggestions for colonization: Steering, compensation, export-If these bathtubs enjoy whales, I can let him do it. " 。 Born in the political philosophy of Thomas Jefferson and Henry Clay, the colonialism packed in the hands of real interestist Lincoln is effective in treating political issues to do slaves released during the war. It was a means. In the latter half of 1862, the use of colonialism was used as a convenient means of liberation slave, so it is most likely that Lincoln will fuse these two ideas in him further and that one will exist without the other. It may be gone. 248
Richard E. Hart, 「Springfield's African Americans as part of the Lincoln community,」 Journal of the Abraham Lincoln Association, Winter 1999, pp. 35, 43.
ゴッシー・ハロルド・ハドソン『南北戦争中のエイブラハム・リンカーンと黒人たち-ウィリアム・フロールヴィルを中心に』p. 56。
Mark M. Krug, "Lincoln, The Republican Party, and the EmANANCIPATION prints," The History Teacher, November 1973, P. 50.
Jesse W. Weik, The Real Lincoln: a Portrait, p. 319.
RICHARD J. CARWARDINE, Lincoln: Profile in Power, p. 19. 19.
Olivier Fraysé, Lincoln Land and LABOR: 1809-60, P. 120-121. 120-121.
James Brewer Stewart, Joshua R. Giddings and the Tactics of Radical Politics, P.
Walter B. STEVENS, Lincoln The Journalist, PP.
CWAL, Vol. 247-283 (A speech in the Pioria on October 16, 1854)
Donald W. Riddle, Abraham Lincoln's Congress, p. 178-179
HAROLD HOLZER AND SARA VAUGHN GABBARD, Lincoln and FREEDOM: Slavery, and the Thirteenth Amendment, P. 68 Agnifice in ITS MAGNITUDE ": The EmANANCIPATION PROCLAMATION).
CWAL, Volume II, P. 222 (The age of this fragment is said to be around July 1, 1854, but there is an objection to the actual age, and maybe it was probably written in 1858 or 1859. There is).
The r e-elected president has found a new power to work on slave liberation issues. Historian Michael Volenberg writes: "In the first few weeks after the election, Lincoln took two bold actions to secure black freedom. First, he died in October. Instead of Roger Tanny, he nominated the parliament to the parliamentary judge, who is famous for the freedom and equality of African Americans. "296 historian Brooks D. Simpson has been adopted," "The President has achieved many things since the beginning of 1865. The president has now witnessed the struggle, and has abolished the Federal State, Louisiana, and Tennessee. Is now in front of the constitutional amendment to end this strange system. "
Lincoln document with the US Congress Library. Girlsberg, Knox College, and Lincoln Research Center (notes on speeches in Kansas and Ohio in September 1859).
John W. Cooke, "FREEDOM IN THE THE THE THE THE THE someMO ABRAHAM LINCOLN," Lincoln Herald, Spring 1970, PP. 11-12.
Frederick W. Seward, Seward in Washington, As Senator and Secretary of State: a Memoir of His Life, with Selections from His Letters 0.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN PAPERS at the Lincoln Center for Lincoln Studies, Knox College, Illinois (Fragment of Notes for Speeches. Ber 1859).
Roy P. BASLER, Editor, Collectored Works of Abraham Lincoln (CWAL), Vol. V, PP. 537 (Annual message to Congress, December 1, 1862).
GABOR BORITT, editor, Why the Civil War Came, P. 112 (WiLLIAM E. Gienapp, "The Political System and the Coming of the Civil War").
George McGavan "Abraham Lincoln" p. 67.
OSBORN H. Oldroyd, Editor, The Lincoln Memorial: Album-AMMORTELLES, 274 (J. M. STURTEVANT).
HORACE WHITE, "Abraham Lincoln in 1854," Illinois Historical Society, January 1908, P. 10.
Paul M. Angle, "Here I have Lived": a History of Lincoln of Springfield, 1821-1865, P. 212.
John S. Wright, Lincoln and the Politics of Slavery, P. 68.
Horace White, "Abraham Lincoln in 1854," Illinois Historical Society, January 1908, p. 10.
CWAL, Vol. 271 (Speech, Peoria, Illinois, October 16, 1854).
David Zarefsky, Lincoln Douglas and Slavery: In the crucible of public debate, p. 7.
Graham Alexander Peck, "Abraham Lincoln and the Triumph of an Antislavery Nationalism, Journal of the Abraham Lincoln Association, Summer 2007, p. 6, 3-4. 6, 3-4.
La Wanda Cox, Lincoln and Black Freedom, p. 20-21.
Leonard L. Richards, The Slave Power: Free Northern and Southern Sovereignty, 1780-1860, pp. 3.
James D. Bilotta, Race and The Resistance of the Retuters Carty, 1848-1865, p. 434.
Bruce Tap, "Race, Rhetoric and Lemipation: the 1862 Election in Illinois," History of the Civil War, Spring 1993, p. 102.
Philip Van Doren, The Life of Abraham Lincoln, p. 41.
Carl F. Wieck, Lincoln's quest for equality, p. 3.
Kenneth M. Stampp, The Dangerous Union: Essays on the background of the Civil War, p. 107.
Gerald Sorin, Abolitionism: a new perspective, p. 152.
Horace White, "Abraham Lincoln in 1854," Illinois Historical Society, January 1908, p. 6.
Robert W. Johannsen, The Frontier Against Slavery, p. 136.
George Milton Fort, The Eve of Conflict: Stephen A. Douglas and the Unnecessary War, p. 183.
Norman A. Graebner, ed., Lincoln's Enduring History, p. 70.
Don E. and Virginia Fehrenbacher, editors, Abraham Lincoln's Memorable Words, p. 119. T. Harry Williams, Abraham Lincoln: Principle and Realism in Politics, Historical Review of the Mississippi Valley, 1953, p. 231. Harold Holzer and Sara Vaughn Gabbard, editors, Lincoln and freedom: Slavery, emancipation, and the Thirteenth Amendment, p. 57 ). Norman A. Graebner, editor, The Enduring Lincoln, pp. 71 (Norman A. Graebner).
Don E. Fehrenbacher, Lincoln in Text and Context, p. 104. 104. Leonel L. Richards, The Slave Power: Free Northern and Southern Sovereignty, 1780-1860, p. 1. 9 James M. McPherson, This Mighty Scourge: on the Civil War, p. 11, 13. 11, 13. Robert H. Abzug and Stephen E. Maizlish, editors, New Perspectives on Slavery and Race in America, p. 57. William Lee Miller, President Lincoln: The Duty of a Politician, p. 233. Robert H. Abzug and Stephen E. Maizlish, editors, New Perspectives on Slavery and Race in America, p. 68.
デイヴィッド・ザレフスキー『リンカーン・ダグラスと奴隷制』σελ： In the Crucible of Public Debate, σελ. 17.
Robert W. Fogel και Stanley L. Engerman, Time on the Cross： The Economics of American Negro Slavery, σελ. 4-6.
Robert H. Abzug και Stephen E. Maizlish, εκδότες, New Perspectives on Slavery and Race in America, σελ. 69 (William E. Gienapp).
Richard J. Carwardine, Lincoln： Profiles in Power, σελ. 130.
Brian R. Dirck, εκδότης, Lincoln Emancipated： The President and the Politics of Race, σελ. 17 (Kenneth J. Winkle, 「Paradox Thought it May Seem」).
David M. Potter, The Impending Crisis, 1848-1861, σελ. 269-270.
George Milton Fort, The Eve of Conflict： Stephen A. Douglas and the Needless War , σελ. 254.
Harry V. Jaffa, A New Birth of Freedom：エイブラハム・リンカーンと南北戦争の到来 , σελ. 298.
CWAL, τόμος II, σελ. 405-406 (Ομιλία στο Σπρίνγκφιλντ, Ιλινόις, 26 Ιουνίου 1857)
La Wanda Cox, Lincoln and Black Freedom, σελ. 20-21.
David M. Potter, The Impending Crisis: 1848-1861, σελ. 293.
Winston S. Churchill, The Great Democracies, σελ. 124.
CWAL, τόμος III, σελ. 313 (Debate at Alton, 15 Οκτωβρίου 1858).
Stephen B. Oates, Our Fiery Trial： Abraham Lincoln, John Brown, and the Civil War Era, σελ. 68-69.
Theodore Clarke Smith, Parties and Slavery, 1850-1859, σ. 230-231.
ハリー・V・ジャッファ『Crisis in the House Divided』σελ. 286.
CWAL. Τόμος III, σελ. 315 (Debate at Alton, 15 Οκτωβρίου 1858).
Henry Clay Whitney, Life on the Circuit with Lincoln, σελ. 91.
Henry Clay Whitney, Life on the Circuit with Lincoln, σελ. 92-93.
Richard J. Carwardine, Lincoln： Profiles in Power, σελ. 66.
CWAL, Volume II, σελ. 461-469 (House Divided Speech, 16 Ιουνίου 1858).
CWAL, Volume II, σελ. 547-548 (Fragment: Notes for Speeches, περ. 21 Αυγούστου 1858).
Harry V. Jaffa, Birth of Freedom, σελ. 305.
William C. Harris, Lincoln's Rise to the Presidency, σελ. 95.
Harry V. Jaffa, A New Birth of Freedom： Harry V. Jaffa, A New Birth of Freedom: Abraham Lincoln and the Coming of the Civil War, σελ. 303.
William C. Harris, Lincoln's Rise to the Presidency, σελ. 97.
Richard H. Sewell, Ballots for Freedom： Richard H. Sewell, Ballots for Freedom: Antislavery Politics in the United States, 1837-1860, σελ. 302-303.
David Zarefsky, Lincoln Douglas and Slavery： In the Crucible of Public Debate, σελ. 82-83.
CWAL, Volume, III, σελ. 76-81. (Carlinville での演説、31 Αυγούστου 1858 年）。
Gerald Prokopowicz, Ο Λίνκολν είχε σκλάβου; , σελ. 164-165.
Frank Coburn, 「Abraham Lincoln and the Right to Rise: Rewriting History」, Lincoln Herald, Φθινόπωρο 2007, σελ. 152.
Allen Thorndike Rice, εκδότης, Reminiscences of Abraham Lincoln, σελ. 414 (Hugh McCullough)。
ウィリアム・C・ハリス『リンカーンの大統領就任』σελ. 161.
Kenneth M. Stampp, The Imperiled Union： Essays on the Background of the Civil War , σελ. 112
Stephen B. Oates, Abraham Lincoln: The Man Behind the Myths, σελ. 71.
Richard Lawrence Miller, Lincoln and His World：初期、誕生からイリノイ州議会まで、σελ. 110.
George M. Fredrickson, Big Enough to Be Inconsistent, σελ. 38-39.
Bruce Tap, "Race, Rhetoric and Emancipation： The Election of 1862 in Illinois」, Civil War History, Άνοιξη 1993, σελ. 102.
Douglas L. Wilson, Lincoln's Sword: The Presidency and the Power of Words, σελ. 204.
Fred Kaplan, Lincoln: The Biography of a Writer, σελ. 255.
George M. Fredrickson, Big Enough to Be Inconsistent, σελ. 81.
Robert H. Abzug και Stephen E. Maizlish, εκδότες, New Perspectives on Slavery and Race in America, σελ. 72-73 (William E. Gienapp, 「The Republican Party and the Slave Power」).
CWAL, Τόμος IV, σελ. 18 (Speech at New Haven, Connecticut, 6 Μαρτίου 1860).
James Oliver Horton και Lois E. Horton, "The Man and the Martyr： The Man and Martyr: Abraham Lincoln in African American History and Memory」, 4th Annual Robert Fortenbaugh Memorial Lecture, Gettysburg College, 2006, σελ. 15.
Herman Belz, Emancipation and equal rights：南北戦争時代の政治と立憲主義、p. 26.
Harry V. Jaffa, A New Birth of Freedom: Abraham Lincoln and the Coming of the Civil War, p. 175. 175.
ウィリアム・C・ハリス『リンカーンの大統領就任』p. 5.
CWAL, vol. III, p. 538 (Speech at Cooper Union, February 27, 1860).
Kenneth M. Stampp, And the War Came: The North and the Secession Crisis, 1860-1861, pp. 181.
Allen C. Guelzo, Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation: the End of Slavery in America, p. 29. 29.
Allen C. Guelzo, Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation: The End of Slavery in America, p. 29. 30.
(ベンジャミン・F・バトラーからサイモン・キャメロンへの手紙、1861 年 7 月 30 日）。
Thomas J. Goss, The War Within the Union High Command, p. 140.
ベンジャミン・F・バトラー将軍の手紙、p. 201-202（Letter from Simon Cameron to Benjamin F. Butler, 8 August 1861）。
ベンジャミン・F・バトラー将軍からの書簡、pp. 202 （サイモン・キャメロンからベンジャミン・F・バトラーへの書簡、1861 年 8 月 8 日）。
Frank J. Williams, 「Attorney General Bates and Attorney General Lincoln's President,」 Lincoln Lore, Spring 2004, pp. 11.
Frank J. Williams, 「」Institutions are not created, but:「 Attorney General Bates and President Lincoln,」 Lincoln Lore, Spring 2004, pp. 10.
Philip Shaw Paludan, The Presidency of Abraham Lincoln, p. 264.
Harold Holzer, Edna Green Medford, Frank J. Williams' Slave Liberation Declaration: Three Perspective P. 11.
David Brion Davis, The Boisterous Sea of Liberty, P. 545.
(Letter from Green Adams and James Speed to Abraham Lincoln, September 2, 1861).
James M. Mcpherson, The Fight for Equality: Ability: The Civil War and Reconstration, P. 74.
Michael Burlingame, Abraham Lincoln: A Life, Vol. II, P. 206.
Francis Fisher Browne, The Daily Life of Abraham Lincoln, P. 437.
Allen C. Guelzo, Lincoln The Lincoln Declaration: The End of Slavely in America, P. 31.
Hans L. TREFOUSSE, "FIRST AMONG EQUALS" Reputation of Abraham Lincoln During His Administration, P. 35.
WILLIAM A. BLAIR AND KAREN FISHER YOUNGER, THE LINCOLN some time, 27 EmANANCIPATION).
Stephen B. OATES, ABRAHAM Lincoln: The Man Behind The Myths, P. 107.
CWAL, Vol. 268-269 (March 4, 1861, the first inauguration speech).
263 (first inauguration speech, March 4, 1861).
Nicholas Parrillo, "Lincoln's Calvinist Transformation: EMANCIPATION and WAR," Civil War History, Fall 2000, P. 240.
James Oakes, The Radical and the Rettoran: Frederick Douglass, Abraham Lincorn, and the Triumph of Political AntisLavery, P. 152-15. 152-153.
James A. Rawley, The Politics of the Union: Northern Politics During The Civil War, P. 73.
THEODORE CALVIN PEASE, Editor, Diary of Orville H. Browning, Volume I, PP. 512 (December 1, 1861).
Allen ThornnDike Rice, Editor, Reminiscences of Abraham Lincoln, P. 88-89 (John Palmer Usher).
MONCURE DANIEL CONWAY, AUTOBIOGRAPHY, Memories and Experience, PP. 345-346. ) And this memory "The story of the thirsty soul that has already been returned to Lincoln in various contests by Grant, Sherman, and many other people is not very appropriate in this case."
Moncure Daniel Conway "Autumn, Memory and Experience" 346 pages.
William C. Harris, In Charity for All: Lincoln and the Restoration of the Union, P. 38.
Charles Seagull "Dialogue with Lincoln" P. 165-168 (John W. Chrisfield)
Armstead L. Robinson, Bitter Fruit of Slavery: The Collapse of Slavely and the Collapse of The Confederacy, 1861-1865, P. 176.
David Herbert Donald and Halold Holzer, Editors, Lincoln in The Times. 139-140 (New York Times, MARCH 1862).
Walter B. Stevens "Lincoln as a journalist" pp. 172-173 (John B. Henderson).
William C. Harris, in Charity for All: Lincoln and the Restoration of the Union, P. 39.
Edward Richardson, Cassius Marcellus Clay: Firebrand of FREEDOM, P. 87.
Kenneth L. Deutsch and Joseph R. Fornier, Lincoln's American Dream: Clashes of Political Perspective, 383 ("Reinhold NIEBUHR," Braham Lincoln ").
Charles M. Hubbard, Editor, Lincoln Reshapes The presidency, p. 83 ("Phillip Shaw Paludan," Lincoln and the Greeley Letter: Report ").
David H. Donald "Lincoln" p. 368.
Karl Schultz "Karl Schultz Records" Volume 2, P. 314.
Bell IRvin Wiley, "Billy Yank and Abraham Lincoln," The Abraham Lincoln Quarterly, JUNE 1950, P. 113.
Mark Grimsley, "Conciliation and Foreure, 1861-1862," History of the Civil War, Decementer 1993.
Don E. FEHRENBACHER, COMPLETED AND EDITED BY WARD MCAFEE, The SlaveHolding Republic: An Account of The United States Government's Relations with Sl AVERY, P. 88.
Allen C. Guelzo, Lincoln The Lincoln Declaration: The End of Slavely in America, P. 85.
John Sherman "40 Years Reminiscence" Volume 1, P. 310-311.
NOAH BROOKS, ABRAHAM LINCOLN: The National Leader in The Great StrugGle THEXISTENCE OF THE UNITED STATEDES WAS KEPT, P. 303.
WILLIAM A. BLAIR AND KAREN FISHER YOUNGER, editor, The Lincoln Declation: Emancipation Revisited, p. 31.
Michael Burlingame, Abraham Lincoln: A Life, Vol. II, 345.
Allen C. Guelzo, Lincoln The Lincoln Declaration: The End of Slavely in America, P. 88.
Ernest B. FURGURSON, FREEDOM RISING: Washington in The Civil War, P. 171.
Ernest B. FURGURSON, "Mr. Lincoln's Washington, Washington, D. C., February 2009, P. 53.
Matthew Pinsker, "Lincoln's Sanctuary: Abraham Lincoln and the Soldier's Home, P. 68.
Norman A. Gravner edited "Lincoln of immortal" P. 85 (Norman A. Graebner).
Allan Nevins, The Emergence of Lincoln, Volume II, P. 470-471. 470-471.
James M. Mcpherson, The StrugGle for Equality: The Avolutionists and the Negro in The Civil War and Reconstration, pp. .
Elbert B. Smith, The Death of Slavery: The United States, 1837-65, PP. 191.
CWAL, VOLUME VII, PP. 282 (letter from Abraham Lincoln to Albert G. Hodge, April 4, 1864).
William D. Mallam, 「Lincoln and the Conservatives,」 Journal of Southern History, February 1962 pp. 40.
Allen C. Guelzo, Lincoln The Lincoln Declaration: the end of slavery in America, p. 41.
Harold Holzer and Sara Vaughn Gabbard, editors, Lincoln and freedom: Slavery, Emancipation, and the Thirteenth Amendment, p. 92-96 (Matthew Pinszo, 1962 年 2 月 pp. 92-96 (Matthew Pinsker, 「Lincoln's Summer of Emancipation」).
Matthew Pinsker, Lincoln's Sanctuary: Abraham Lincoln and the Soldier's Home, pp. 43-44.
Michael Burlingame, On Lincoln's Side： John Hay's Civil War Correspondence and Selected Writings, p. 23 (letter from John Hay to Mary Jay, 20 July 1862).
James A. Rawley, Abraham Lincoln and a Nation Worth Fighting For, pp. 105, 206-207.
Herman Belz, Emancipation and equal rights: Politics and Constitutionism in the Civil War era, p. 41.
Allen C. Guelzo, 「A reluctant recruiter in the abolitionist cause,」 Washington Post, February 10, 2001, p. B03.
Hans L. Trefousse, Lincoln's emancipation decision, p. 40-41. 40-41.
Don E. and Virginia Fehrenbacher, Memorable Words of Abraham Lincoln, p. 84.
Don E. Fehrenbacher, Lincoln in text and context, pp. 284.
Michael Burlingame, Abraham Lincoln: A Life, Volume II, p. 403.
George S. Boutwell, Recollections of Sixty Years in Public Affairs, p. 311.
Allen Thorndike Rice, editor, Reminiscences of Abraham Lincoln, p. 126 (George S. Boutwell, 「Abraham Lincoln's Career」).
Alexander K. McClure, Abraham Lincoln and Men of War-Times, p. 101.
Matthew Pinsker, Lincoln's Sanctuary: Abraham Lincoln and the Soldier's Home, p. 69.
Francis B. Carpenter, The Inner Life of Abraham Lincoln： The Inner Life of Abraham Lincoln: Six Months in the White House, p. 87-88.
James M. McPherson, Crossroads of Freedom: Antietam, pp. 139-140.
Harold Holzer and Sara Vaughn Gabbard, editors, Lincoln and freedom: Slavery, Emancipation, and the Thirteenth Amendment, p. 218 (Frank J. Williams, 「The End of the Beginning」).
Wayne Mahood, General Wadsworth: The Life and Times of Brevet Major James S. Wadsworth, p. 114.
Mark M. Krug, 「Lincoln, the Republican Party, and the Emancipation Proclamation,」 The History Teacher, November 1973, p. 55.
James A. Rawley, The Politics of the Union: Northern Politics during the Civil War, p. 85.
Elizabeth Brownstein, Lincoln's Other White House, p. 123 (Christian Recorder, November 22, 1862)。
Stephen B. Oates, Our Fiery Trial, Abraham Lincoln, John Brown and the Civil War Era, pp. 78-79.
Wood Gray, The Hidden Civil War： The Story of the Copperheads, pp. 99-100.
Darrel E. Bigham, On Jordan's Banks: オハイオ川流域旅行奴隷解规 and its 余波』p. 93.
John Y. Simon, Harold Holzer, and William D. Pederson, eds., Abraham Lincoln, Gettysburg and the Civil War, p. 50 (Edna Green Medford, 「African Americans and Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation」).
マイケル・バーリンゲイム『エイブラハム・リンカーン： A Life, Volume II, p. 472.
Brian R. Dirck, editor, Lincoln Emancipated: The President and the Politics of Race, p. 115 (Brian R. Dirck, 「Abraham Lincoln, Emancipation and the Supreme Court」).
Harold Holzer and Sara Vaughn Gabbard, eds., Lincoln and Freedom: Slavery, Emancipation, and the Thirteenth Amendment, p. 71 （アレン・C. Guezlo, "『Sublime in Its Magnitude』：奴隷解正宣言」）
アレン・C．Guelzo, 「Seven-Score Years Ago」, Washington Post, January 1, 2003, p. A19.
Brian R. Dirck, editor, Lincoln Emancipated: The President and the Politics of Race, p. 113 (Brian R. Dirck, 「Abraham Lincoln, Emancipation and the Supreme Court」).
William E. Gienapp, Abraham Lincoln and Civil War America, p. 124.
CWAL, Volume V, pp. 530-531 (Second Annual Message to Congress, December 1, 1862)。
Richard J. Carwardine, Lincoln: Profiles in Power, p. 216.
Sarah Forbes Hughes, editor, Letters and Recollections of John Murray Forbes, Volume I, pp. 348-349 （チャールズ・サムナーからジョン・マレー・フーブスへの手紙、1862 年 12 月 25 日).
Sarah Forbes Hughes, editor, Letters and Recollections of John Murray Forbes, Volume I, pp. 348-349 (Letter from Charles Sumner to John Murray Forbes, December 28, 1862).
Allen C. Guelzo, Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation: the End of Slavery in America, pp. 178.
James A. Rawley, The Politics of Union: Northern Politics During the Civil War, p. 85. 85.
ギデオン・ウェルズ『ギデオン・ウェルズの日記』第 1 巻、p. 70.
Herman Belz, Emancipation and Equal Rights: 南北戦争時代の沿沿と立憲主義、p. 44.
Herman Belz, Emancipation and Equal Rights: 南北戦争時代の沿沿と立憲主義、p.
Harold Holzer and Sara Vaughn Gabbard, editors, Lincoln and Freedom: Slavery, Emancipation, and the Thirteenth Amendment（ハロルド・ホルツァー、サラ・ヴォーン・ガバード編『リンカーンと自由：奴隷制、奴隷解放、憲法成条』）p . 73 (Allen C. Guezlo, 「『Sublime in Its Magnitude』: The Emancipation Proclamation」)。
James M. McPherson, This Mighty Scourge: Perspectives on the Civil War, p. 218. 218.
John Y. Simon, Harold Holzer, and William D. Pederson, eds., Abraham Lincoln, Gettysburg and the Civil War, p. 54 (Edna Greene Medford, 「African-Americans and Lincoln's Proclamation of Emancipation」).
Don E. and Virginia Fehrenbacher, editors, Memorized Words of Abraham Lincoln, p. 314 (sermon preached by John McClintock, April 16, 1865).
Louis S. Gerteis, 「Salmon P. Chase, Radicalism and the Politics of Emancipation, 1861-1864,」 The Journal of American History, June 1973, p. 43.
Armstead L. Robinson, Bitter fruit of slavery: the collapse of slavery and the collapse of the Confederacy, 1861-1865, p. 182.
Daniel Mark Epstein, Lincoln and Whitman: Parallel Lives in the Civil War Washington, D. C., p. 84.
Don E. and Virginia Fehrenbacher, Memorable Words of Abraham Lincoln, p. 129.
George M. Frederickson, The Internal Civil War: Northern Intellectuals and the Union Crisis, p. 113.
Martin H. Greenberg and Charles G. Waugh, editors, The Price of Freedom: Slaver and the Civil War, vol. I, p. 8 (David W. Blight, 「Frederick Douglass and the American Apocalypse」).
Stephen B. Oates, Our Fiery Trial, Abraham Lincoln, John Brown, and the Civil War Era, p. 79.
www. afrolumens. org/rising_free/jubilee. html （Harrisburg Daily Telegraph, January 18, 1863）。
Harold Holzer, Edna Greene Medford and Frank J. Williams, The Emancipation Proclamation, p. 21.
Hans L. Trefousse, 「First among equals」 Abraham Lincoln's reputation during his administration, p. 61.
David Brion Davis and Steven Mintz, editors, The Boisterous Sea of Liberty: A Documentary History of America from Discovery through the Civil War, p. 524.
George Julian, Political Memories, p. 229.
James A. Dueholm, 「A bill of lading delivers goods: the constitutionality and impact of the Emancipation Proclamation,」 Journal of the Abraham Lincoln Association, Winter 2010, p. 38.
William A. Blair and Karen Fisher Younger, editors, Lincoln's Declaration: Emancipation revisited, p. 41 (Paul Finkelman, 「Lincoln and the Conditions for Emancipation」)
William C. Harris, In Charity for All: Lincoln and The Restoration of the Union, pp. 66-67.
Armstead L. Robinson, Bitter Fruits of Bondage: The Collapse of Slavery and the Collapse of the Confederacy, 1861-1865, pp.
William A. Blair and Karen Fisher Younger, editors, Lincoln's Declaration: Emancipation revisited, p. 41 (Paul Finkelman, 「Lincoln and the Conditions for Emancipation」)
アレン・C・ゲルゾ「革命宣言」ワシントン・ポスト紙 2003 年 1 月 1 日。
ガボール・S・ボリット編『戦争大統領リンカーン』53 ページ（ジェームズ・マクファーソン「リンカーンと無条件降伏の戦略」）。
Eric Foner, Forever Rfree: The story of emancipation and reconstruction, p. 43.
Allen C. Guelzo, 「How Abe Lincoln Lost the Black Vote: Lincoln and Emancipation in the African American Mind,」 Journal of the Abraham Lincoln Association, Winter 2004, pp. 7-8.
Larry Schweikart and Michael Allen, History of the Patriots of the United States, p. 330.
William Dudley, editor, The Civil War: opposing views, p. 274 (James M. McPherson, 「Lincoln freed the slaves」).
Don E. Fehrenbacher, completed and edited by Ward M. McAfee, The Slaveholding Republic: an account of the United States government's relations with slavery, p. 313.
William Dudley, editor, The Civil War: opposing views, p. 283 (Ira Berlin, 「Slaves were the main force behind their emancipation」).
ジェフリー・ロジャーズ・ハンメル、奴隷解放、自由人の奴隷化： A History of the American Civil War, p. 211.
George Anastaplo, Abraham Lincoln: A Constitutional Biography, p. 219.
Herman Belz, Emancipation and equal rights: Politics and Constitutionism in the Civil War era, p. 62.
Jeffrey Rogers Hummel, emancipated slaves, enslaved free men： A History of the American Civil War, p. 211.
Richard J. Carwardine, Lincoln: Profiles in Power, p. 192.
David Herbert Donald, Jean H. Baker, and Michael F. Holt, The Civil War and Reconstruction, p. 385.
Larry E. Nelson, 「Black Leaders and the Presidential Election of 1864,」 The Journal of Negro History, January 1978, p. 46.
ウィリアム・リー・ミラー『リンカーン大統領政治家の責務』297 頁。
Michael Vorenberg, 「Abraham Lincoln and the Politics of Black Colonization,」 Journal of the Abraham Lincoln Association, Summer 1993, p. 27.
Richard Striner, Father Abraham： Lincoln's Relentless Struggle to End Slavery, p. 149.
David Lightner, 「Abraham Lincoln and the Ideal of Equality,」 Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society, Winter 1982, p. 297.
Michael Vorenberg, 「Abraham Lincoln and the Politics of Black Colonization,」 Journal of the Abraham Lincoln Association, Summer, 1993, p. 44.
Phillip Shaw Paludan Lincoln and Colonization: Politics or propaganda? 「, Journal of the Abraham Lincoln Association, Winter 2004, p. 35 (letter from David Davis to Leonard Swett, November 26, 1862).
David W. Blight, Civil War Frederick Douglass: Keeping Faith in Jubilee, p. 135.
James M. McPherson, The struggle for equality: the abolitionists and the Negro in civil war and reconstruction, p. 155.
Elbert B. Smith, 「Abraham Lincoln, Realist」, The Wisconsin Magazine of History, Winter, 1968-1969, σελ. 165.
Hans L. Trefousse, Lincoln's Decision for Emancipation, σελ. 42
Michael Burlingame, Abraham Lincoln： A Life, Volume II, σελ. 384.
Michael Burlingame, Abraham Lincoln： A Life, Volume II, σελ. 385.
Hans L. Trefousse, Lincoln's Decision for Emancipation, σελ. 42.
Michael Burlingame, Abraham Lincoln： A Life, Volume II, σελ. 387.
Harold Holzer, Edna Greene Medford, and Frank J. Williams, The Emancipation Proclamation, σελ. 19.
Michael Burlingame, Abraham Lincoln： A Life, Volume II, σελ. 235.

Elim Poon - Journalist, Creative Writer

Last modified: 27.08.2024

Guided by the phrase in the Declaration of Independence that “All men are created equal,” Lincoln spoke against slavery. While Lincoln opposed slavery, he. President Lincoln made no overt moves to link the suppression of the rebellion with the ending of slavery for more than two years after the outbreak of conflict. Abraham Lincoln led his country through a tumultuous period and played an instrumental role in abolishing slavery while preserving the Union.

Play

accepted