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Sense or sensibility—Ideological dilemmas in gamblers' notions of responsibilities for gambling problems

The gambling market is a complex field with competing stakeholders and interests, including economic, health, social inequality and ethical dimensions. However, the division of responsibility between players, the gambling industry and the regulating state to limit the harmful consequences of this activity is unclear. The aim of this study is to investigate how gambling players in the Swedish market place responsibility for different factors in the gambling field. Qualitative interviews were conducted with 37 gamblers who experienced extensive gambling problems. Based on a discourse analytic approach, five ideological dilemmas were identified, highlighting the tensions between often conflicting values with which participants had to relate. At the individual level, players emphasized their responsibility for their problems, demonstrating responsibility in relationships with themselves, their significant others and their peers as agents of recovery. However, at the corporate and state levels, participants advocated for a stronger public health approach, stating that gambling companies should take further responsibility by complying with legal regulations and that the state should guarantee compliance and ensure funding for treatment and research. The essential paradox between the discourse on personal responsibility of self-regulation and the paradox of general legal regulation is the personal responsibility of self-regulation.

Introduction

Various stakeholders and interests, such as economy, health, social infancy, and ethics, are in the field of gambling (1). Gambling industries and regulators are responsible for protecting players from harm, but at the same time, there are economic benefits of gambling income. On the other hand, in consideration of large tax revenue and profitability, on the other hand, in connection with the act of balancing financial and personal burden on players and their loved ones, values in the government and gambling industry. The conflict is obvious (2, 3). The concept of responsibility has permeated social life and forms the basics of governance. Definition of responsibility includes "personal and collective explanation responsibility through the concept of moral responsibilities," [(4) p. 137] for judgment on rational abilities, evaluation of legal liability, and moral responsibilities. However, important concepts, such as responsibility, are ambiguous, and they tend to rely on the underlying assumptions without criticism (5). Responsibilities are elastic (6), so it is rare that the concept should be responsible. This is especially noticeable in new markets where the responsibilities have not yet been solidified. In this paper, we study how Swedish market players are responsible for various actors in the gambling category. Gambling fields have various stakeholders and interests, such as economy, health, social infancy, and ethics (1). Gambling industries and regulators are responsible for protecting players from harm, but at the same time, there are economic benefits of gambling income. On the other hand, in consideration of large tax revenue and profitability, on the other hand, in connection with the act of balancing financial and personal burden on players and their loved ones, values in the government and gambling industry. The conflict is obvious (2, 3). The concept of responsibility has permeated social life and forms the basics of governance. Definition of responsibility includes "personal and collective explanation responsibility through the concept of moral responsibilities," [(4) p. 137] for judgment on rational abilities, evaluation of legal liability, and moral responsibilities. However, important concepts, such as responsibility, are ambiguous, and they tend to rely on the underlying assumptions without criticism (5). Responsibilities are elastic (6), so it is rare that the concept should be responsible. This is especially noticeable in new markets where the responsibilities have not yet been solidified. In this paper, we study how Swedish market players are responsible for various actors in the gambling category. Various stakeholders and interests, such as economy, health, social infancy, and ethics, are in the field of gambling (1). Gambling industries and regulators are responsible for protecting players from harm, but at the same time, there are economic benefits of gambling income. On the other hand, in consideration of large tax revenue and profitability, on the other hand, in connection with the act of balancing financial and personal burden on players and their loved ones, values in the government and gambling industry. The conflict is obvious (2, 3). The concept of responsibility has permeated social life and forms the basics of governance. Definition of responsibility includes "personal and collective explanation responsibility through the concept of moral responsibilities," [(4) p. 137] for judgment on rational abilities, evaluation of legal liability, and moral responsibilities. However, important concepts, such as responsibility, are ambiguous, and they tend to rely on the underlying assumptions without criticism (5). Responsibilities are elastic (6), so it is rare that the concept should be responsible. This is especially noticeable in new markets where the responsibilities have not yet been solidified. In this paper, we study how Swedish market players are responsible for various actors in the gambling category.

The awareness of problems and responsibilities is reflected in the values and interests of various actors in specific social and political context (7). Historically, gambling has been regarded as an immoral act that has no distinction between normal gambling and pathological gambling (8). Since the 1980s, medical discourse, which surrounds the gambling as a pathological obsession, has become dominant. According to classical medical models, "pathological" gamblers are not responsible or guilty of their actions and are victims of illness (9). In recent years, the responsibilities of the whole medical discourse have expanded, and now individual gamblers have been regarded as consumers who are responsible for their own decisions in the market (5). Gambling (RG), which is responsible as a concept, was originally developed by the gambling industry in response to local concerns about the harmful effects of gambling. A thre e-way model was proposed that government, industry, and individual players share responsibility to minimize gambling harm (3). While the government plays the role of legislation and monitoring, the gambling industry provides players with safe products and related information, and enhances potential risks. Responsibilities and responsibilities are reflected in the values and interests of various actors in certain soci o-economic and political contexts (7). Historically, gambling has been regarded as an immoral act that has no distinction between normal gambling and pathological gambling (8). Since the 1980s, medical discourse, which surrounds the gambling as a pathological obsession, has become dominant. According to classical medical models, "pathological" gamblers are not responsible or guilty of their actions and are victims of illness (9). In recent years, the responsibilities of the whole medical discourse have expanded, and now individual gamblers have been regarded as consumers who are responsible for their own decisions in the market (5). Gambling (RG), which is responsible as a concept, was originally developed by the gambling industry in response to local concerns about the harmful effects of gambling. A thre e-way model was proposed that government, industry, and individual players share responsibility to minimize gambling harm (3). While the government plays the role of legislation and monitoring, the gambling industry provides players with safe products and related information, and enhances potential risks. The awareness of problems and responsibilities is reflected in the values and interests of various actors in specific social and political context (7). Historically, gambling has been regarded as an immoral act that has no distinction between normal gambling and pathological gambling (8). Since the 1980s, medical discourse, which surrounds the gambling as a pathological obsession, has become dominant. According to classical medical models, "pathological" gamblers are not responsible or guilty of their actions and are victims of illness (9). In recent years, the responsibilities of the whole medical discourse have expanded, and now individual gamblers have been regarded as consumers who are responsible for their own decisions in the market (5). Gambling (RG), which is responsible as a concept, was originally developed by the gambling industry in response to local concerns about the harmful effects of gambling. A thre e-way model was proposed that government, industry, and individual players share responsibility to minimize gambling harm (3). While the government plays the role of legislation and monitoring, the gambling industry provides players with safe products and related information, and enhances potential risks.

However, RGs have been subject to criticism for being nonspecific (6), unscientific (11), inadequate (12), and unreliable (13). Although RGs have been promoted as harm reduction, they have also been criticized for justifying insufficient regulation and government compliance of the gambling industry (14). Furthermore, RGs have been questioned for placing the onus for preventing gambling harm on individuals, rather than on governments or industries (15, 16). Individual consumers are expected to control their own behavior through rational, self-limiting, and informed choices. However, this choice requires competent, rational consumers who are not hindered by diminished control or pathological compulsions (5).

As an alternative, several researchers have proposed a public health approach that prioritizes individual interventions and targets a global population-level approach. A public health approach would take into account the contribution of social, economic, and demographic factors to gambling harm and would include measures such as restricting access to gambling, advertising restrictions, age restrictions, and identification requirements. The focus of gambling-related harm is on the entire population, not on the individual player level. Therefore, the responsibility to protect consumers from gambling harm rests primarily on providers and regulating states (1, 12, 14, 18, 19).

The Swedish gambling market has recently been significantly reformed. The gambling method (20) introduced a new license system that emphasizes consumer protection. From January 1, 2019, foreig n-based companies, which have won the Swedish market without having to obtain domestic licenses, have been able to apply for licenses. Offline gambling, such as lan d-based casinos and EGM, is still operated exclusively by the stat e-owned gambling provider, SvenSka Spel, but the new regulations are in the Swedish market, mainly online gambling and betting. It means that about 90 new businesses have obtained a license (21). ATG is a company owned by a nationwide trot and a gallop organization that legally monopolized Sweden's horse gambling, and currently offers an online casino. As a whole, the possibility of gambling is increasing, but Savenska Spell and ATG still have a large share. The law stipulates a license's duty ("Omsorgsplikt") that must consider social and health protection in order to protect consumers from excessive gambling and reduce gambling as needed. In particular, Licensei needs to continue to monitor customer gambling, contact the player if there are signs of excessive gambling, and communicate with the player if there are significant gambling signs. Sweden's gambling market has recently been significantly reformed. The gambling method (20) introduced a new license system that emphasizes consumer protection. From January 1, 2019, foreig n-based companies, which have won the Swedish market without having to obtain domestic licenses, have been able to apply for licenses. Offline gambling, such as lan d-based casinos and EGM, is still operated exclusively by the stat e-owned gambling provider, SvenSka Spel, but the new regulations are in the Swedish market, mainly online gambling and betting. It means that about 90 new businesses have obtained a license (21). ATG is a company owned by a nationwide trot and a gallop organization that legally monopolized Sweden's horse gambling, and currently offers an online casino. As a whole, the possibility of gambling is increasing, but Savenska Spell and ATG still have a large share. The law stipulates a license's duty ("Omsorgsplikt") that must consider social and health protection in order to protect consumers from excessive gambling and reduce gambling as needed. In particular, Licensei needs to continue to monitor customer gambling, contact the player if there are signs of excessive gambling, and communicate with the player if there are significant gambling signs. The Swedish gambling market has recently been significantly reformed. The gambling method (20) introduced a new license system that emphasizes consumer protection. From January 1, 2019, foreig n-based companies, which have won the Swedish market without having to obtain domestic licenses, have been able to apply for licenses. Offline gambling, such as lan d-based casinos and EGM, is still operated exclusively by the stat e-owned gambling provider, SvenSka Spel, but the new regulations are in the Swedish market, mainly online gambling and betting. It means that about 90 new businesses have obtained a license (21). ATG is a company owned by a nationwide trot and a gallop organization that legally monopolized Sweden's horse gambling, and currently offers an online casino. As a whole, the possibility of gambling is increasing, but Savenska Spell and ATG still have a large share. The law stipulates a license's duty ("Omsorgsplikt"), which must consider social and health protection in order to protect consumers from excessive gambling and reduce gambling as needed. In particular, Licensei needs to continue to monitor customer gambling, contact the player if there are signs of excessive gambling, and communicate with the player if there are significant gambling signs.

The debate on reform of the Swedish gambling market has been going on for decades. Most of the gambling companies, both licensed and unlicensed, in the Swedish market claim that they have complied with their legal obligations even before the new law was introduced. However, gambling providers are divided on what RG means, emphasizing individual responsibility. In many cases, it is considered enough to provide tools to individual players (23). However, awareness of problem gambling has been increased among the general public due to the ubiquitous appearance of gambling advertising, with celebrities and ordinary citizens revealing episodes of destructive gambling habits in the media, and political debates on redefinition (24). Furthermore, Sweden traditionally adopts a social model of problem gambling addiction (25). Despite the increasing medicalization of problem gambling

In order to understand the complexity of the problem gambling, it is necessary to consider the normative assumptions under the existing responsibility order (2) for gambling damage (28) 。 Liability for gambling harm includes various factors such as the origin of the problem, solution, and the individual players, the gambling industry, the law and regulations. There is a variety of responsibilities of various levels. For example, players' responsibilities as self-management issues, responsibilities for important others, responsibilities between players and friends in the self-help group, responsibility in the relationship between citizens, interest-gambling companies, and government regulations (4). In this paper, it is an attempt to show such a diverse responsibility for the gambling problem through testimony from the player himself. Its purpose is to explore the perception of gamblin g-related gambling issues in relation to the dominant discourse on gambling issues between individuals, companies, and government gambling issues. More specifically, gamblers, which have a wide range of adverse effects due to gambling addiction, are responsible for various actors in the gambling category, and what kind of assumptions have been made due to gambling addiction. Clear whether you are. In order to understand the complexity of gambling, it is necessary to consider the normative assumptions under the existing responsibility order (2) for gambling damage, and how it is linked to the social structure. (28). Liability for gambling harm includes various factors such as the origin of the problem, solution, and the individual players, the gambling industry, the law and regulations. There is a variety of responsibilities of various levels. For example, players' responsibilities as self-management issues, responsibilities for important others, responsibilities between players and friends in the self-help group, responsibility in the relationship between citizens, interest-gambling companies, and government regulations (4). In this paper, it is an attempt to show such a diverse responsibility for the gambling problem through testimony from the player himself. Its purpose is to explore the perception of gamblin g-related gambling issues in relation to the dominant discourse on gambling issues between individuals, companies, and government gambling issues. More specifically, gamblers, which have a wide range of adverse effects due to gambling addiction, are responsible for various actors in the gambling category, and what kind of assumptions have been made due to gambling addiction. Clear whether you are. In order to understand the complexity of the problem gambling, it is necessary to consider the normative assumptions under the existing responsibility order (2) for gambling damage (28) 。 Liability for gambling harm includes various factors such as the origin of the problem, solution, and the individual players, the gambling industry, the law and regulations. There is a variety of responsibilities of various levels. For example, players' responsibilities as self-management issues, responsibilities for important others, responsibilities between players and friends in the self-help group, responsibility in the relationship between citizens, interest-gambling companies, and government regulations (4). In this paper, it is an attempt to show such a diverse responsibility for the gambling problem through testimony from the player himself. Its purpose is to explore the perception of gambling issues of gamblin g-addicts in relation to the dominant discourse on gambling issues between individuals, companies, and government gambling issues. More specifically, gamblers, which have a wide range of adverse effects due to gambling addiction, are responsible for various actors in the gambling category, and what kind of assumptions have been made due to gambling addiction. Clear whether you are.

Materials and methods

Data collection

Participants in this research were selected from advertisements on the Internet and social media, as well as available treatment options and sel f-help groups in Sweden. As the Swedish gambling market was r e-regulated, a detailed hal f-construction interview was conducted from 2018 to 2019 to 37 gamblers. The interview (average 63 minutes, SD14) was conducted on a call (n = 32) or a respondent on a meeting (n = 5). In the interview, in addition to the free format of the participants' responsibilities regarding gambling damage, topics such as gambling problems, the nature and progress of gambling problems, considerable views and experiences regarding helping king and RG countermeasures were taken up. After obtaining informed outlets from the participants, the interview was recorded. All respondents are given a virtual name, and are described in the result section along with gender, age group, and main gambling addiction.

Participants

As shown in Table 1 below, most of the participants were men, most of them worked, living with their partners and children. The median of the age is 38 years old (SD10), the social status varies, and some have answered that they are homeless and are a successful manager with powerful social networks. 。 Participants' hometowns were in both urban and rural areas, mainly in the middle or southern Sweden. About a quarter of respondents (9 out of 37 people) were foreigners (born in a foreign country, at least one parent). All participants have stated that they have serious gambling problems with social, economic, judicial, and healt h-related results [3. 8 out of four nods perc, (29), (29) ). The majority reported that the majority of gambling was 6 to 15 years (average 9 years, SD 9), of which six were still continuing. More than half of the respondents refused gambling only for one to six months during the interview (average 4 months, SD 23). Of the 37 participants, nine (24 %) stated the problem of using drugs simultaneously. As shown in Table 2, the main form of gambling is online casinos and sports betting, which reflects the increase in gambling addiction.

Table 1

Table 1. Explanations of participants

Table 2. Participants in this research were selected from the Internet and social media ads, and from Sweden's available treatment options and sel f-help groups. As the Swedish gambling market was r e-regulated, a detailed hal f-construction interview was conducted from 2018 to 2019 to 37 gamblers. The interview (average 63 minutes, SD14) was conducted on a call (n = 32) or a respondent on a meeting (n = 5). In the interview, in addition to the free format of the participants' responsibilities regarding gambling damage, topics such as gambling problems, the nature and progress of gambling problems, considerable views and experiences regarding helping king and RG countermeasures were taken up. After obtaining informed outlets from the participants, the interview was recorded. All respondents are given a virtual name, and are described in the result section along with gender, age group, and main gambling addiction.

Coding

Table 1

Analytical approach

Table 1. Explanations of participants

Results

Table 2. The participants of this research were selected from the Internet and social media ads, and from the Swedish treatment options and sel f-help groups. As the Swedish gambling market was r e-regulated, a detailed hal f-construction interview was conducted from 2018 to 2019 to 37 gamblers. The interview (average 63 minutes, SD14) was conducted on a call (n = 32) or a respondent on a meeting (n = 5). In the interview, in addition to the free format of the participants' responsibilities regarding gambling damage, topics such as gambling problems, the nature and progress of gambling problems, considerable views and experiences regarding helping king and RG countermeasures were taken up. After obtaining informed outlets from the participants, the interview was recorded. All respondents are given a virtual name, and are described in the result section along with gender, age group, and main gambling addiction.

Table 1

Individual responsibility vs. medical brain disease

Table 1. Explanations of participants

Table 2.

Table 2. Reported pseudonyms, gender, age groups, and main gambling addictions.

The interview recording was first transcribed. The transcript was repeatedly read while listening to the recording to capture the intentions and context of the interview. The approach to the material is always depended on the theory and the preliminary assumption (31), but in this case, ORFORD (10), REITH (5, 32), and Livingstone And Rintoul (12) in order Constructed from available discussions related to it. The most appropriate coding and analysis process is to be described as a reflection (31) between the concept and the interview material (31) or a repeated recycling process (33). All explanations, which dealt with the topic of gambling addiction, were first extracted into the NVIVO software program and were coded to define individuals, companies, and national levels. Subsequently, the data came up in the abstract theme related to the core values, such as ability, moral obligations, responsibilities, legal responsibilities, and rationality, which came up in the participants about gambling responsibilities. Is codeized. Table 2. Reported pseudonyms, gender, age groups, and main gambling addictions.

The interview recording was first transcribed. The transcript was repeatedly read while listening to the recording to capture the intentions and context of the interview. The approach to the material is always depended on the theory and the preliminary assumption (31), but in this case, ORFORD (10), REITH (5, 32), and Livingstone And Rintoul (12) in order Constructed from available discussions related to it. The most appropriate coding and analysis process is to be described as a reflection (31) between the concept and the interview material (31) or a repeated recycling process (33). All explanations, which dealt with the topic of gambling addiction, were first extracted into the NVIVO software program and were coded to define individuals, companies, and national levels. Subsequently, the data came up in the abstract theme related to the core values, such as ability, moral obligations, responsibilities, legal responsibilities, and rationality, which came up in the participants about gambling responsibilities. Is codeized. Table 2. Reported pseudonyms, gender, age groups, and main gambling addictions.

Agent of recovery vs. victim of the gambling industry

The living ideology that forms our ideals and practice in a specific context is rarely consistent and is more consistent (34). Various ways to talk about issues are not natural or independent. Rather, it is formed by historical, social, and argument (7). Through the stories of gamblers, various competitors on abilities, responsibilities, freedom, ethics, and rationality emerge. Therefore, a discourse analytical approach (35) was applied to highlight the contradictions of the gamblers' discussions (7). Using the concept of ideologic dilemma (34), it sheds light on the characteristics of everyday ideas on gambling responsibilities and the underlying assumptions of various inference. An ideology dilemma is a contradictory problem that develops over the opposing ideal dialogue. The dilemma is a component of our thoughts on a certain problem, and the concept of society as a whole that forms our sel f-identity, moral consideration, decisio n-making, and behavior is often natural. 。 Such a dilemma also highlights the contrasting values in which gambling addicted patients face the gambling episode. Furthermore, gamblin g-addicted patients must consider the methods for gambling to actively navigate the negative results brought about by their actions, and how gambling addicted patients escape gambling addiction.

Five different ideologic dilemma, which raises tension between gambling problems, struggling to understand the gambling problem, gambling market, and society, has been identified. The contrasting values are not exclusive to each other, but they are associated with each other, but they are permeated in ideologic dilemma, highlighting the complexity that gamblers are associated with responsibility at various levels. I'm doing it. Fig. 1 and below are the five dilemma, the various explanations indicating, and the rationale used.

Figure 1

Figure 1. Simple examples of ideological dilemma, core values, and discussion * quotes are shortened according to the table while maintaining their main purpose. The living ideology that forms our ideals and practice in a specific context is rarely consistent and is more consistent (34). Various ways to talk about issues are not natural or independent. Rather, it is formed by historical, social, and argument (7). Through the stories of gamblers, various competitors on abilities, responsibilities, freedom, ethics, and rationality emerge. Therefore, a discourse analytical approach (35) was applied to highlight the contradictions of the gamblers' discussions (7). Using the concept of ideologic dilemma (34), it sheds light on the characteristics of everyday ideas on gambling responsibilities and the underlying assumptions of various inference. An ideology dilemma is a contradictory problem that develops over the opposing ideal dialogue. The dilemma is a component of our thoughts on a certain problem, and the concept of society as a whole that forms our sel f-identity, moral consideration, decisio n-making, and behavior is often natural. 。 Such a dilemma also highlights the contrasting values in which gambling addicted patients face the gambling episode. Furthermore, gamblin g-addicted patients must consider the methods for gambling to actively navigate the negative results brought about by their actions, and how gambling addicted patients escape gambling addiction.

Corporate social responsibility vs. gambling as an ordinary commodity

Figure 1

Figure 1. Simple examples of ideological dilemma, core values, and discussion * quotes are shortened according to the table while maintaining their main purpose. The living ideology that forms our ideals and practice in a specific context is rarely consistent and is more consistent (34). Various ways to talk about issues are not natural or independent. Rather, it is formed by historical, social, and argument (7). Through the stories of gamblers, various competitors on abilities, responsibilities, freedom, ethics, and rationality emerge. Therefore, a discourse analytical approach (35) was applied to highlight the contradictions of the gamblers' discussions (7). Using the concept of ideologic dilemma (34), it sheds light on the characteristics of everyday ideas on gambling responsibilities and the underlying assumptions of various inference. An ideology dilemma is a contradictory problem that develops over the opposing ideal dialogue. The dilemma is a component of our thoughts on a certain problem, and the concept of society as a whole that forms our sel f-identity, moral consideration, decisio n-making, and behavior is often natural. 。 Such a dilemma also highlights the contrasting values in which gambling addicted patients face the gambling episode. Furthermore, gamblin g-addicted patients must consider the methods for gambling to actively navigate the negative results brought about by their actions, and how gambling addicted patients escape gambling addiction.

Figure 1

Figure 1. Simple examples of ideological dilemma, core values, and discussion * quotes are shortened according to the table while maintaining their main purpose.

The first dilemma focuses on personal responsibility, which means free will and the ability to control gambling, and medical brain disease, which means inherent helplessness and reduced ability to control. On the one hand, gamblers are asked to self-regulate and control their gambling habits in different ways under the discourse of personal responsibility. The basic premise is that gamblers are acting on their own free will, that is, they make their own choices and decisions ("nobody put a gun to my head", Karin) and that they are mature and competent human beings (Alexander). On the other hand, based on medical reasons, people with brain diseases cannot control their actions by themselves. When asked how they perceive their responsibility for gambling addiction, the players' answers follow a clear rhetorical structure, as in Anna's explanation below:

ANNA Well, the responsibility is on me. I'm an adult, I'm not legally incompetent. But the problem is that I have a brain disease. So I can't deal with it. (Female, 51-65, Online Casino)

External control vs. the will to gamble in the moment

Thus, Anna begins to take primary responsibility for herself and uses medical discourse to abdicate that responsibility. Although time limits, self-exclusion and other RG measures are encouraged, participants are not aware of these, as they are when they are sick. Thus, there is a substantial difference between those who can control their behavior (responsible gamblers) and those who cannot (disordered/pathological gamblers), resulting in a discussion of overlapping responsible gambling and medical discourses. However, being responsible according to the discourse of personal responsibility and being sick and incompetent according to the medical discourse is a dilemma and an impossible equation that causes shame and guilt among participants. For example, Magnus below is trying to be a competent person. He first claims accountability for his actions, but then describes an underlying desire to not be able to control his actions. This contradiction gives him a strong feeling of self-absorption, along with a sense of shame for allowing himself to be seduced by attractive offers presented by gambling companies.

Magnus: First of all, I think it's my fault. I ... I have this desire. I want to say it's stopped, but I'm always lurking in my body. It's very easy for gambling addicts to continue gambling. And they want my money and try to increase profits. They want to make money and, if possible, want to make more money. And I'm so stupid to buy it. I want to achieve good results, both private and work. I have been successful at work. Then, returning to your hometown and playing for $ 10, 000 is bad. It is not a success. It's embarrassing and embarrassing. (Male, 41-50 years old, online poker and sports betting)

It is difficult for participants to manipulate the conflicting expectations of control and ability. However, there is another purpose of personal responsibilities, which is revealed in the second dilemma.

The second ideologic dilemma emerging from the player's approach to responsibility is about the position of an agent. On the other hand, the gambling industry has a framework that the activity should be banned, given the harm that occurs in a ruthlessly exploitation of weak people. According to Gustav's expression, "Gambling will be completely prohibited in the perfect world." Sophia is angry in this industry:

Sofia Sofia is angry in the gambling industry. Gambling companies are terrible. Gambling companies are aiming to squeeze their lives from those who have problems. They make money because they can't handle it. We are trapped and bet on everything. They fabricate the dream of taking money to be financially independent. (Female, 24-30 years old, online casinos) Magnus: First of all, I think it's my fault. I ... I have this desire. I want to say it's stopped, but I'm always lurking in my body. It's very easy for gambling addicts to continue gambling. And they want my money and try to increase profits. They want to make money and, if possible, want to make more money. And I'm so stupid to buy it. I want to achieve good results, both private and work. I have been successful at work. Then, returning to your hometown and playing for $ 10, 000 is bad. It is not a success. It's embarrassing and embarrassing. (Male, 41-50 years old, online poker and sports betting)

Sofia Sofia is angry in the gambling industry. Gambling companies are terrible. Gambling companies are aiming to squeeze their lives from those who have problems. They make money because they can't handle it. We are trapped and bet on everything. They fabricate the dream of taking money to be financially independent. (Female, 24-30 years old, online casino) Magnus: First of all, I think it's my fault. I ... I have this desire. I want to say it's stopped, but I'm always lurking in my body. It's very easy for gambling addicts to continue gambling. And they want my money and try to increase profits. They want to make money and, if possible, want to make more money. And I'm so stupid to buy it. I want to achieve good results, both private and work. I have been successful at work. Then, returning to your hometown and playing for $ 10, 000 is bad. It is not a success. It's embarrassing and embarrassing. (Male, 41-50 years old, online poker and sports betting)

Stricter regulation vs. freedom and personal integrity

On the other hand, participants, based on a rational attitude, can expect nothing from the speculation industry. Taking responsibility for the problems imposed on oneself and on significant others serves the purpose of portraying oneself as an active agent in the recovery process. Here, the only rational attitude is not to blame others for one's precarious situation. Taking responsibility for one's actions is a way to show oneself, family and peers that one is making steps towards change. Blaming the gambling industry or regulations is considered unhelpful in the process of positive change. For this reason, participants distinguish between sensation and sensibility.

Alexander: This is something I have discussed with many people since I started seeking help. That I, as a person, need to learn how to live with gambling. And since I cannot cope with gambling, I don't gamble at all. I cannot blame the gambling companies. If half the population of Sweden had a gambling problem, there could have been a law in parliament that gambling should not be sold or something like that. But that is not the case, so I have to learn to deal with it somehow. It is something that is all around me, so it is up to me to give up using their services. (Male, 41-50 years old, offline and online casino)

The only sensible approach is to take active responsibility as an agent and learn how to deal with it, rather than thinking of oneself as a victim caught up in the vicious competition of gambling companies. In order to be able to offer any criticism of the industry or the state that is not making an effort to prevent gambling harm in society as a whole, participants must first acknowledge their own guilt, wrongdoing, and accountability.

The third ideological dilemma that appears in all participants' narratives is related to the competence, legal and moral obligations of gambling companies on the one hand, and gambling as a normal business product on the other. Players express strong criticism based on their extensive and destructive gambling life experiences over the years. In their accounts, the lack of corporate social responsibility is total. Players are also highly aware of the legal obligation of gambling companies to follow the duty of care by monitoring their customers' habits and acting proactively against excessive gambling patterns. Players' narratives contain many examples of situations where gambling companies should have responded to clearly destructive gambling habits but failed to do so.

Victor: You don't have to be a rocket scientist at a gaming company to know that I have a big problem with gambling. When I withdraw money, after 5 seconds they ask me to hurry up with the withdrawal. When the money arrives in my account, they make me deposit it right away. But they encourage it. (Male, 31-40 years old, online sports betting)

Discussion

These experiences occurred both before and after the introduction of the new Swedish law, which may raise participants' expectations of the behavior and compliance of companies and state supervision. Given the widespread social harms of gambling and the fact that harmful products are sold, participants argue that the industry has not only a legal but also a moral obligation to protect its customers. Also, in this case, the divide between sense and sensibility is a game of catch.

Robin: In theory, they are companies, and their business ideas are profitable. Nothing is strange. This is the product I consume, and I chose to consume it. No matter how much you want to blame them ... I don't want to send a fascinating email with a bonus offer. But I actively choice when playing. People commit suicide. It is really expensive for society, such as illnesses, mental issues, suicide, divorce, and children's issues. (Male, 24-30 years old, online casino)

Participants further deny the overall concept of corporate social responsibilities in relation to their own experiences that the company claims and what they are actually doing.

Alexander: Gambling is the food of their lives. They want to make more money. Same as eating disorders. However, there is a company that provides food, and I have the idea that someone eats too much. It's not their fault, but the person who has essentially problems. (Male, 41-50 years old, offline and online casinos)

On the other hand, some gambling industries think that they will be profitable, and some gamblers have given up on giving up if they do not think the gambling industry will show legal and ethical concerns. From a slightly sarcastic or phenomenical inference, participants argue that it is ridiculous for these companies to predict their social responsibilities. The claim of consumer protection policy in the game industry as a whole is described as "hypocritical" (nils, bengt), "empty language, Lip service" (Stefan), and fulfills legal obligations without important intentions or management. It was only made. Gambling is the same as other products (analogy of Alexander's eating disorders above), and corporate social responsibilities are regarded as a fake hidden cover, so it is up to individuals to handle problems. Robin: In theory, they are companies, and their business ideas are profitable. Nothing is strange. This is the product I consume, and I chose to consume it. No matter how much you want to blame them ... I don't want to send a fascinating email with a bonus offer. But I actively choice when playing. People commit suicide. It is really expensive for society, such as illnesses, mental issues, suicide, divorce, and children's issues. (Male, 24-30 years old, online casino)

Participants further deny the overall concept of corporate social responsibilities in relation to their own experiences that the company claims and what they are actually doing.

On the other hand, some gambling industries think that they will be profitable, and some gamblers have given up on giving up if they do not think the gambling industry will show legal and ethical concerns. From a slightly sarcastic or phenomenical inference, participants argue that it is ridiculous for these companies to predict their social responsibilities. The claim of consumer protection policy in the game industry as a whole is described as "hypocritical" (nils, bengt), "empty language, Lip service" (Stefan), and fulfills legal obligations without important intentions or management. It was only made. Gambling is the same as other products (analogy of Alexander's eating disorders above), and corporate social responsibilities are regarded as a fake hidden cover, so it is up to individuals to handle problems. Robin: In theory, they are companies, and their business ideas are profitable. Nothing is strange. This is the product I consume, and I chose to consume it. No matter how much you want to blame them ... I don't want to send a fascinating email with a bonus offer. But I actively choice when playing. People commit suicide. It is really expensive for society, such as illnesses, mental issues, suicide, divorce, and children's issues. (Male, 24-30 years old, online casino)

Participants further deny the overall concept of corporate social responsibilities in relation to their own experiences that the company claims and what they are actually doing.

Strengths and limitations

Conclusion

Data availability statement

Karl: I don't think you can blame the gambling companies. Sure, they see that you are also making big bets, but they are driven by profits. And you can certainly be critical and say that the companies need to warn you and call you out, but at the same time they want to make money. That's their business idea. Any rational person would understand that." (Male, 24-30, online sports betting)

Ethics statement

The fourth ideological dilemma found in the gamblers' narratives is related to the availability of gambling and focuses on the need for external control at this time and concerns over will and denial. On the one hand, respondents advocate more coercive measures to limit the widespread harm experienced as a result of gambling. According to this reasoning, gambling providers should actively block gamblers who show obvious destructive patterns and ideally offer the direct support and treatment that individuals with a history of problem gambling would be offered. Gambling companies are therefore expected to play a more active role in excluding players, which is also envisaged in the new regulations. Again, according to medical discourse, participants believe that expecting gambling addicts to self-regulate is not reasonable at this point.

Author contributions

Eric: They don't think before it's too late. They don't think that they might get carried away, just once when they miss everything, when they have the most fun. And there's always the desire to win money. And it gets even harder. Why should they be blocked from sites where they can win money? I think it's really a problem that people who are suffering from addiction have to do it themselves. (Male, 24-30 years old, gambling online skin)

Funding

On the other hand, participants acknowledged that if the gambling episode was excluded when it was active, he would probably have felt a large frustration. What they are trying to do now is nothing more than gambling. Victor said in various ways that he had stretched himself for sel f-regulation, and after the end of the period, he was frustrated by this restriction and began to gamble even more in another gambling place. His explanation is that it is impossible to restrict all the opportunities to bet on the world on a global scale, and it is necessary to limit all gambling opportunities in order to refrain from gambling individually. Is appearing.

Acknowledgments

Victor: Considering that I played with a high bet, the limit I set was unreasonably high. I tried to set a low limit of 50 euros. But I was dominated by the stress and anger for the limit. Instead, I went to another site and played 5 times. It didn't work for me, but I just tried another direction. I want you to make it impossible. (Male 31-40-year-old Online Sports Betting)

Conflict of interest

Participants acknowledge that the denial would be the first reaction about the idea of contacting the gambling company. But if such a duty has been fulfilled, Bengt believes that he might have been able to change his gambling action earlier. Lars contacted Savenska Spell State, a gambling provider after excessive gambling. His first reaction reflected the sense of being caught by the current criminal, but looking back, he highly appreciated it.

Publisher's note

Lars: I'm struck by terrible shame. But we are a lying expert, and it's a lie to first come out when you become a perpetrator or addict. They told me where they could receive assistance and support. It's a very good thing (male, 51-65 years old, online casinos)

References

At the moment, players caught in the game do not perceive the various RG measures as relevant. For the state or private gambling providers to react and contact players or to implement automatic blocking functions would therefore violate individual freedom, but at the same time have the ability to limit the harm of gambling. As Anna and Magnus express it below, "opportunity makes thieves", so availability restrictions and external enforcement measures are necessary.

Magnus: If there is no opportunity to gamble, I don't gamble. If it is more regulated and restricted, gambling can be prevented. That is good for people like me and above all for new players. Make it more difficult, make it a registration system, etc.

The role of the state towards its citizens, the gamblers, is at the heart of the whole fifth ideological dilemma. This role is ambiguous, given that the Swedish state should regulate and supervise the gambling market and at the same time run the largest gambling provider, Svenska Spell. On the one hand, respondents support a stronger approach to public health. In general, they feel positive about the new regulations, but are disappointed that countries have acted too late to limit gambling harms, for example by restricting gambling advertising.

Oscar: No other country in the world allows so much gambling advertising. It targets young people and people with poor health. I think the responsibility of gambling companies and states is really immature (male, 31-40 years old, online poker and sports betting)

The role of the state is to provide research and treatment funds for those who need gambling. Axel is outraged by the lack of access to treatment for gambling addicts and that the costs of treatment are paid for by local governments, not by the state-run gambling companies that make a lot of money every year. Compared to the relatively tightly regulated alcohol market in Sweden, participants argued that the state is too passive and complacent in its expectations of revenue for private companies and its own gaming providers. Given the enormous damage that gambling causes to individuals, stakeholders and society in general, stricter regulations are supported. This includes monitoring of loan purchases and bank transfers. In some cases, banning it to protect vulnerable groups is also supported.

Bengt: I'm not blaming people, but I feel that there are not enough regulations to stop this double standard. It's tough not to be able to drink alcohol. There is a monopoly on retail alcohol. But when it comes to gambling, the light is green. There was a lot of illegal gambling with machines and closed rooms like this. My life would have been completely different from what it is now. (Male, 51-65 years, offline and online casinos)

On the other hand, measures that excessively impede personal freedom violate the integrity of the individual. According to the discourse on personal freedom and based on a neoliberal stance, participants believe that prohibitions and overly broad restrictions are impossible.

Anders: You can't ban gambling. You can't ban going to an alcohol store, and you can't ban going to a gambling hall. Both alcohol and gambling bring in revenue for the state. It's hard to find a solution. I don't know what to do. It would limit personal integrity. (Male, 51-65 years, offline sports betting, numbers games and EGMS)

According to this argument, the state should not restrict freedom of choice. The respondents further argued that it is impossible to restrict all gambling options. Legal and illegal gambling opportunities are everywhere, and even with strict regulations, there will always be gaps, as Omar expressed:

Omar: Most people can't gamble. Most people can't gamble. But the people in this neighborhood know the owner and the staff, so it's okay. They gamble with other people's personal ID numbers/....../There's a guy who sells personal ID numbers for 5 euros and makes them win money/....../Svenska Spell has some control, but not 100% control. (Male, 31-40 years, offline and online casino, EGMS)

Amid the growing demand for personal responsibility (2) and the redefinition of the Swedish gambling market (36), the aim of this study was to explore players' perceptions of gambling problems. Through in-depth interviews with players and an analysis of their coherent discourse on gambling responsibility, the study showed differences in how responsibility is understood at various levels. The analysis focused on refuting the contradictory arguments that appear in the participants' approach to responsibility, which is an ideological dilemma (34).

The first ideological dilemma identified – personal responsibility versus medical brain disease – centred around notions of competence and control. According to the dominant discourse of personal responsibility, problem gamblers are expected to regulate their gambling in various ways. However, the prevailing medical discourse and diagnosis of problem gambling posit that “pathological” gamblers are unable to self-control. The brain disease model may help demystify how gamblers should engage with their problem (26) and reduce the burden of guilt and shame. The affirmation of the illness role (37) and the repeated framing of problem gambling as a chronic illness meant that many of the interviewees struggled to offer valid reasons to justify their behaviour. However, given that the notion of incompetence conflicts with prevailing ideals of self-regulation, control and rationality, repeated failures to control their destructive gambling habits heightened the interviewees’ self-esteem and feelings of guilt. When problem gamblers fail to negotiate consumer society (32) and meet normative expectations regarding self-control, self-confidence, responsibility, and rationality, they are pathologized or moralized. There is an emphasis on personal responsibility among problem gamblers.

The second dilemma illustrates the contradiction between the representation of gambling companies as unscrupulous exploiters, which implies the player’s position as a victim. On the contrary, participants as sel f-commanders must take responsibility for their actions and choice in order to demonstrate this ability to themselves, loved ones and peers, or within the framework of sel f-help and therapy, or during the interview. At this level, individual responsibility is both a prerequisite and a component of the formation of a person who takes responsibility in the process of recovery. This discourse of individual responsibility, as Orford describes (10), has so firmly rooted in the representations of the respondents, which is a prerequisite for responsible and responsible thinking and for any criticism of the state or industry. The dumping of his problems with gambling on someone else is not considered as a useful factor in recovery, but a person must learn to cope with his problem in order to be able to cope with it. The tendency to take responsibility as a strategy for overcoming problems, which is part of the recovery process, was established earlier (45). Individual liability is also encouraged as part of self-help movement and in the frequently proposed cognitive-bichi-regional treatment programs (2). Unlike denial, the desire

The third dilemma is related to gamblers' expectations of the industry, namely, enhanced corporate social responsibility and gambling as a product. According to participants, gambling companies have legal and moral obligations and the ability to exercise a duty of care. However, due to participants' inexperience with such concerns, some participants make the argumentative choice to characterize gambling as an addictive business product (10). If gambling is characterized as a product, like food, that an individual chooses to consume in excess, then it is the individual's freedom to refrain from such behavior (32). Identifying oneself as the main culprit of gambling problems before criticizing the gambling industry or national regulators was a rhetorical argumentative structure present in the testimonies of all participants. Another was the distinction between sensation and sensibility. From an emotional perspective, respondents expressed that gambling should be banned or at least more strictly regulated, given the enormous harm that the product causes to individuals, families, and society. However, from a logical perspective, they expressed a rather surprised and cynical attitude that it is impossible to expect this from gambling providers.

The fourth dilemma is a tension between the need for external control and the ambition to continue gambling. While Gofman (48) described gambling as a fatal threshold for maintaining or losing the control of his own actions, surreal (16) said modern gambling. It is characterized by the pursuit of "to enter. The zone is isolated from the anxiety of the outside world, where the time, space, and social identity are paused, along with clear risks associated with gambling. Rather than winning, the player's incentive is promoted by the technical design of game experiences to maximize the profits of the industry. The premise at the root of RG is that consumer protection is achieved by providing the information necessary for consumers to obtain sufficient information about their actions and select them (5,). 10). However, if you are immersed in the game, the probability of winning or losing or other statistical probability is rarely seen. At this time, the fourth dilemma is a tension between the need for external control and the ambition of continuing to gamble. While Gofman (48) described gambling as a fatal threshold for maintaining or losing the control of his own actions, surreal (16) said modern gambling. It is characterized by the pursuit of "to enter. The zone is isolated from the anxiety of the outside world, where the time, space, and social identity are paused, along with clear risks associated with gambling. Rather than winning, the player's incentive is promoted by the technical design of game experiences to maximize the profits of the industry. The premise at the root of RG is that consumer protection is achieved by providing the information necessary for consumers to obtain sufficient information about their actions and select them (5,). 10). However, if you are immersed in the game, the probability of winning or losing or other statistical probability is rarely seen. At this time, the fourth dilemma is a tension between the need for external control and the ambition to continue gambling. While Gofman (48) described gambling as a fatal threshold for maintaining or losing the control of his own actions, surreal (16) said modern gambling. It is characterized by the pursuit of "to enter. The zone is isolated from the anxiety of the outside world, where the time, space, and social identity are paused, along with clear risks associated with gambling. Rather than winning, the player's incentive is promoted by the technical design of game experiences to maximize the profits of the industry. The premise at the root of RG is that consumer protection is achieved by providing the information necessary for consumers to obtain sufficient information about their actions and select (5,). 10). However, if you are immersed in the game, the probability of winning or losing or other statistical probability is rarely seen. At this time

The fifth dilemma explains the role of the nation through tension relationship between the need to strengthen regulations to protect vulnerable groups, and the need to protect individual freedom and avoid personalism. Huh. The former claim is in line with the public health approach, but the latter claims the freedom of Orford (10). In this way, the way of thinking about the state and individual's responsibilities depends on the political value, beliefs, and cultural background (50). The tendency to avoid taking responsibility to government regulatory authorities and gambling providers may reflect the public's awareness of the government's role in some countries, such as the United States. The share of the government and industry's responsibilities (52) was not so prominent through this survey. This is related to a wide range of gambling problems, recent debates over the role of regulatory authorities and gambling companies in the Swedish gambling market, and relatively strong public health approaches in the welfare state of Sweden. I understand. In addition, players may be more likely to regulate than other situations, as the stat e-owned gambling company, Savenska Spell, still occupies its dominant position in the gambling market. What is obvious, however, is a conflict in player testimony, where the ideologic dilemma i n-house in the responsibility of gambling addiction is part of the daily logic. In Sweden comparing alcohol and gambling, which is a relatively strict regulation product (53, 54), the respondents are responsible for the national responsibilities, and the regulations, advertising, loan purchases, or restrictions on banks are not allowed. I claim that it is necessary. The state should also protect funds for preventing and managing gambling issues, treatment, and research. Here, because gambling decreases, I think that the nation should do more, or that I should have done it faster, and I think that if you want to do gambling, you will do it individually, so the regulation is irrelevant. There is a complex tw o-sided character. The fifth dilemma has the role of the state through the tension between the need to strengthen regulations to protect vulnerable groups, and the need to protect individual freedom and avoid the perfection of individuals. Is explained. The former claim is in line with the public health approach, but the latter claims the freedom of Orford (10). In this way, the way of thinking about the state and individual's responsibilities depends on the political value, beliefs, and cultural background (50). The tendency to avoid taking responsibility to government regulatory authorities and gambling providers may reflect the public's awareness of the government's role in some countries, such as the United States. The share of the government and industry's responsibilities (52) was not so prominent through this survey. This is related to a wide range of gambling problems, recent debates over the role of regulatory authorities and gambling companies in the Swedish gambling market, and relatively strong public health approaches in the welfare state of Sweden. I understand. In addition, players may be more likely to regulate than other situations, as the stat e-owned gambling company, Savenska Spell, still occupies its dominant position in the gambling market. What is obvious, however, is a conflict in player testimony, where the ideologic dilemma i n-house in the responsibility of gambling addiction is part of the daily logic. In Sweden comparing alcohol and gambling, which is a relatively strict regulation product (53, 54), the respondents are responsible for the national responsibilities, and the regulations, advertising, loan purchases, or restrictions on banks are not allowed. I claim that it is necessary. The state should also protect funds for preventing and managing gambling issues, treatment, and research. Here, because gambling decreases, I think that the nation should do more, or that I should have done it faster, and I think that if you want to do gambling, you will do it individually, so the regulation is irrelevant. There is a complex tw o-sided character. The fifth dilemma explains the role of the nation through tension relationship between the need to strengthen regulations to protect vulnerable groups, and the need to protect individual freedom and avoid personalism. Huh. The former claim is in line with the public health approach, but the latter claims the freedom of Orford (10). In this way, the way of thinking about the state and individual's responsibilities depends on the political value, beliefs, and cultural background (50). The tendency to avoid taking responsibility to government regulatory authorities and gambling providers may reflect the public's awareness of the government's role in some countries, such as the United States. The share of the government and industry's responsibilities (52) was not so prominent through this survey. This is related to a wide range of gambling problems, recent debates over the role of regulatory authorities and gambling companies in the Swedish gambling market, and relatively strong public health approaches in the welfare state of Sweden. I understand. In addition, players may be more likely to regulate than other situations, as the stat e-owned gambling company, Savenska Spell, still occupies its dominant position in the gambling market. What is obvious, however, is a conflict in player testimony, where the ideologic dilemma i n-house in the responsibility of gambling addiction is part of the daily logic. In Sweden comparing alcohol and gambling, which is a relatively strict regulation product (53, 54), the respondents are responsible for the national responsibilities, and the regulations, advertising, loan purchases, or restrictions on banks are not allowed. I claim that it is necessary. The state should also protect funds for preventing and managing gambling issues, treatment, and research. Here, because gambling decreases, I think that the nation should do more, or that I should have done it faster, and I think that if you want to do gambling, you will do it individually, so the regulation is irrelevant. There is a complex tw o-sided character.

Participants' responsibilities can be understood in connection with TRNKA and TRUNDLE (4). The first region is about individual level players as sel f-management. Participants want to recognize themselves as rational individuals, so they need to assert their accountability in the relationship between themselves, important people, and friends in the sel f-help groups and treatment groups. The second domain is related to the relationship between a customer gambler and a gambling company that provides potentially harmful products. The criticism of the lack of foresight in the gambling industry and the compliance with attention is often found in participants' testimony, along with the clear distrust and violation of corporate social responsibilities as a concept. The third domain is about the relationship between a citizen player and a state that is responsible for regulating corporate actions. Participants protect the country by fulfilling the accountability and strengthening regulations, restricting access to gambling and managing corporate compliance strictly by strengthening regulations. He proposes a publi c-health approach that must be done. These areas are in a specific policy framework and are essential for understanding the complexity of various gambling. Approaching the participants' responsibilities can be understood in connection with TRNKA and TRUNDLE (4). The first region is about individual level players as sel f-management. Participants want to recognize themselves as rational individuals, so they need to assert their accountability in the relationship between themselves, important people, and friends in the sel f-help groups and treatment groups. The second domain is related to the relationship between a customer gambler and a gambling company that provides potentially harmful products. The criticism of the lack of foresight in the gambling industry and the compliance with attention is often found in participants' testimony, along with the clear distrust and violation of corporate social responsibilities as a concept. The third domain is about the relationship between a citizen player and a state that is responsible for regulating corporate actions. Participants protect the country by fulfilling the accountability and strengthening regulations, restricting access to gambling and managing corporate compliance strictly by strengthening regulations. He proposes a publi c-health approach that must be done. These areas are in a specific policy framework and are essential for understanding the complexity of various gambling. Participants' responsibilities can be understood in connection with TRNKA and TRUNDLE (4). The first region is about individual level players as sel f-management. Participants want to recognize themselves as rational individuals, so they need to assert their accountability in the relationship between themselves, important people, and friends in the sel f-help groups and treatment groups. The second domain is related to the relationship between a customer gambler and a gambling company that provides potentially harmful products. The criticism of the lack of foresight in the gambling industry and the compliance with attention is often found in participants' testimony, along with the clear distrust and violation of corporate social responsibilities as a concept. The third domain is about the relationship between a citizen player and a state that is responsible for regulating corporate actions. Participants protect the country by fulfilling the accountability and strengthening regulations, restricting access to gambling and managing corporate compliance strictly by strengthening regulations. He advocates a public health approach that must be done. These areas are in a specific policy framework and are essential for understanding the complexity of various gambling.

The study was carried out in Sweden, a country that, alongside other Nordic countries, generally has a strong commitment to public health. However, in the case of gambling, the revenues from state-run gambling operators seem to outweigh the losses to the population (55). Moreover, the main revenues (70%) of Swedish providers offering online or offline poker games, electronic gambling machines and casinos come from problem gamblers (30). Despite extensive measures to regulate the gambling market, such as limiting bonus offers, introducing a national self-exclusion register and deposit limits (20, 56), the proportion of severe problem gamblers has remained almost unchanged since the regulations (57). The ultimate responsibility for dealing with the consequences of gambling lies with the individual "pathological" gambler. To reduce gambling harm, Swedish regulators must find ways to block payments to unlicensed companies (58) and impose heavy penalties on providers who fail to fulfill their duty of care. As concepts, responsibility and corporate social responsibility can be filled with almost any content, depending on political and ideological beliefs regarding the role of the state, the gambling market, individual freedom, and the concept of the capacity and intention of the various stakeholders. The underlying premise of the responsible gambling argument is based on the will and ability of the individual to make an informed choice. However, how can we expect individuals to make rational decisions when risk taking is encouraged, which is essentially the heart of gambling, the probability of the various outcomes of the choice is unknown, and gamblers are viewed and treated by society as incapable of rational decision-making? Based on the life experiences of the gamblers in this study, the basic premise of RG is irrelevant, incorrect, and unfeasible.

This study contains a story based on the gambler's life experience under the r e-regulation of the gambling market. The data is composed of sel f-reported stories from gamblers, which have a heterogeneous background and have a lot of offline or online gambling experience. Due to the nature of the qualitative data, the results of this study cannot be generally used to the general public. All participants have experienced gambling negative results, and this should be considered when evaluating the results of the survey. Interviews were conducted during the market r e-regulation, so some respondents' gambling experiences were performed before (20), and some were performed later. This result is valuable in deepening the difficulties related to efforts to reduce excessive gambling habits and the role of RG measures in this process. Furthermore, these results are useful for developing intervention measures aimed at reducing gambling harm. In future research, gambling product providers at casinos, EGM venues, gaming shops, and online gambling agencies in Sweden are involved in responsibility and how to actively build a role in explanation. You need to explore the Bedford's research. In this study, it contains a story based on the gambler life experience under the r e-regulation of the gambling market. The data is composed of sel f-reported stories from gamblers, which have a heterogeneous background and have a lot of offline or online gambling experience. Due to the nature of the qualitative data, the results of this study cannot be generally used to the general public. All participants have experienced gambling negative results, and this should be considered when evaluating the results of the survey. Interviews were conducted during the market r e-regulation, so some respondents' gambling experiences were performed before (20), and some were performed later. This result is valuable in deepening the difficulties related to efforts to reduce excessive gambling habits and the role of RG measures in this process. Furthermore, these results are useful for developing intervention measures aimed at reducing gambling harm. In future research, gambling product providers at casinos, EGM venues, gaming shops, and online gambling agencies in Sweden are involved in responsibility and how to actively build a role in explanation. You need to explore the Bedford's research. This study contains a story based on the gambler's life experience under the r e-regulation of the gambling market. The data is composed of sel f-reported stories from gamblers, which have a heterogeneous background and have a lot of offline or online gambling experience. Due to the nature of the qualitative data, the results of this study cannot be generally used to the general public. All participants have experienced gambling negative results, and this should be considered when evaluating the results of the survey. Interviews were conducted during the market r e-regulation, so some respondents' gambling experiences were performed before (20), and some were performed later. This result is valuable in deepening the difficulties related to efforts to reduce excessive gambling habits and the role of RG measures in this process. Furthermore, these results are useful for developing intervention measures aimed at reducing gambling harm. In future research, gambling product providers at casinos, EGM venues, gaming shops, and online gambling agencies in Sweden are involved in responsibility and how to actively build a role in explanation. You need to explore the Bedford's research.

This study shows the ideological nature of ways of understanding responsibility for problem gambling. Participants testify to numerous attempts and failures at self-regulation. The dilemma of being responsible and at the same time incapable is an impossible equation, which fosters feelings of guilt, shame and self-abuse. By emphasizing personal responsibility, the neoliberal discourse does not address the multifaceted dilemma that individuals face daily; the complex motivations and vulnerabilities of human interactions and behaviors. Gamblers in this study struggle to make sense of the competing ideals of responsibility for problem gambling. How they position themselves within this ideological field changes the way they live their lives. They draw on competing discourses that are pervasive throughout society and that permeate power relations and stakeholders at different levels. If personal responsibility is a prerequisite for being able to reflect on responsibility for gambling problems, self-sabotage and stigma are inevitable. The mismatch between RG discourse and players' experiences and needs renders the whole idea of corporate social responsibility meaningless. To contain the widespread harms of gambling and to be able to design fruitful policies, prevention and treatment.

Due to the nature of the study, the participants in the study did not consent to sharing their data publicly, and therefore the datasets presented in this paper are not readily available. Any questions regarding the datasets should be addressed to ES, eva. samuelsson@socarb. su. se.

The study was reviewed and approved by the Stockholm Regional Ethics Committee (2017/1260-31/5). The patients/participants provided written informed consent to participate in the study.

ES designed the study, conducted the interviews and analyses, and wrote the first draft of the manuscript. ES and JCö discussed the results, contributed and approved the final manuscript. All authors contributed to the paper and approved the submitted manuscript.

The funds for this research are the Swedish Health, Working Life and Welfare Research Council (FORTE) Swedish Project subsidies "Response and Reduction of Problem Gambling Research" (subsidy NO 2016-07091) and postdok project "Problem It was provided by gambling and alcohol for helping king, experience and barrier for care for care "(subsidy NO 2016-00286). The Open Access Publishing cost was paid by Stockholm University through the Swedish National Library (NLS).

The authors thank the participants who spent their valuable time and effort by participating in this research and participating in this research.

The authors declare that this study was implemented in a commercial or financial relationship that could be interpreted as potential conflicts of interest.

All claims described in this article are only for the author, and does not necessarily represent the assertions of their organizations, publishers, editors, and reviewers. Products that can be evaluated in this paper or products claimed by their manufacturers are not guaranteed or approved by publishers.

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Last modified: 27.08.2024

Sense or sensibility—Ideological dilemmas in gamblers' notions of responsibilities for gambling problems · E. Samuelsson, Jenny Cisneros Örnberg · Published in. Sense or sensibility—Ideological dilemmas in gamblers' notions of responsibilities for gambling problems. Frontiers in Psychiatry, 13, Sense or sensibility—Ideological dilemmas in gamblers' notions of responsibilities for gambling problems. Eva Samuelsson. and. Jenny Cisneros Örnberg. 3,

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