Gambling: A Social Hazard

Gambling needs to be reconsidered as a social risk, not harmless entertainment. The Maori tribe is exposed to the special risk of gambling, and the government's obligations based on the Witangi Treaty should be the basis of the gambling method that recognizes gambling as a social risk. This law should be an example of the 1996 Hazardous Substance and New Organisms Act 1996, which stipulates the protection of people and the community through the proper management of chemical and biological risks.

Hutia TE RITO O TE Harakeke, Kei Hea Te Komako E Ko, Ki Mai KOE KI AU? It's not tangata, tangata.

If you pull the flax's heart, where will Suzumushi go? But if you ask what the most important thing is, you will answer that it is a person, a person, or a person.

Introduction

In New Zealand, the third gambling and gambling has been reviewed since 1995 (Department of Home Affairs 2001a) 2. The bill was reviewed by the Labor Party Allied administration and was enacted as a 2003 gambling law. Even if this law is enforced, it is hardly possible to protect the Maori or other New Zealanders from gambling risks. On the contrary, it will legalize the roles and evidence of gambling in New Zealand, and will determine the location of various gambling operators and the operation of various forms of gambling. It may have been called the Gambling Protection Act because it protects the current gambling carrier, supports the current agreement, and promotes harm as a strategy to protect the people from gambling.

The purpose of this paper is to redefine gambling as a harmless recreation and to regard New Zealand's social risk. In addition, there is legal protection to protect New Zealanders and Maori from the introduction of new biological and chemical hazards, but are imported like gambling, which is known to be harmful to people's health. We believe that there is no such protection to protect health and welfare from target activities. < SPAN> Gambling is not a harmless entertainment, but a social risk. The Maori tribe is exposed to the special risk of gambling, and the government's obligations based on the Witangi Treaty should be the basis of the gambling method that recognizes gambling as a social risk. This law should be an example of the 1996 Hazardous Substance and New Organisms Act 1996, which stipulates the protection of people and the community through the proper management of chemical and biological risks.

Hutia TE RITO O TE Harakeke, Kei Hea Te Komako E Ko, Ki Mai KOE KI AU? It's not tangata, tangata.

Gambling In New Zealand: Cultural Baggage

If you pull the flax's heart, where will Suzumushi go? But if you ask what the most important thing is, you will answer that it is a person, a person, or a person.

In New Zealand, the third gambling and gambling has been reviewed since 1995 (Department of Home Affairs 2001a) 2. The bill was reviewed by the Labor Party Allied administration and was enacted as a 2003 gambling law. Even if this law is enforced, it is hardly possible to protect the Maori or other New Zealanders from gambling risks. On the contrary, it will legalize the roles and evidence of gambling in New Zealand, and will determine the location of various gambling operators and the operation of various forms of gambling. It may have been called the Gambling Protection Act because it protects the current gambling carrier, supports the current agreement, and promotes harm as a strategy to protect the people from gambling.

The purpose of this paper is to redefine gambling as a harmless recreation and to regard New Zealand's social risk. In addition, there is legal protection to protect New Zealanders and Maori from the introduction of new biological and chemical hazards, but are imported like gambling, which is known to be harmful to people's health. We believe that there is no such protection to protect health and welfare from target activities. Gambling needs to be reconsidered as a social risk, not harmless entertainment. The Maori tribe is exposed to the special risk of gambling, and the government's obligations based on the Witangi Treaty should be the basis of the gambling method that recognizes gambling as a social risk. This law should be an example of the 1996 Hazardous Substance and New Organisms Act 1996, which stipulates the protection of people and the community through the proper management of chemical and biological risks.

Hutia TE RITO O TE Harakeke, Kei Hea Te Komako E Ko, Ki Mai KOE KI AU? It's not tangata, tangata.

If you pull the flax's heart, where will Suzumushi go? But if you ask what the most important thing is, you will answer that it is a person, a person, or a person.

Gambling as a Social Hazard: A Public Health Reframe Needed

In New Zealand, the third gambling and gambling has been reviewed since 1995 (Department of Home Affairs 2001a) 2. The bill was reviewed by the Labor Party Allied administration and was enacted as a 2003 gambling law. Even if this law is enforced, it is hardly possible to protect the Maori or other New Zealanders from gambling risks. On the contrary, it will legalize the roles and evidence of gambling in New Zealand, and will determine the location of various gambling operators and the operation of various forms of gambling. It may have been called the Gambling Protection Act because it protects the current gambling carrier, supports the current agreement, and promotes harm as a strategy to protect the people from gambling.

The purpose of this paper is to redefine gambling as a harmless recreation and to regard New Zealand's social risk. In addition, there is legal protection to protect New Zealanders and Maori from the introduction of new biological and chemical hazards, but are imported like gambling, which is known to be harmful to people's health. We believe that there is no such protection to protect health and welfare from target activities.

Maori place great importance on environmental protection, but healthy human beings are the most valuable resource a society has. This paper is written from a Maori perspective and discusses gambling and problem gambling and its impact on Maori, the importance of reframing gambling as a social hazard, and the importance of the Dangerous Substances and New Organisms Act of 1996. It is unknown how gambling will act and react in New Zealand's unique social environment, so all new and existing products need to be considered as new biological or chemical hazards in the environment.

Gambling or gaming is defined as "informal or legally regulated gambling, including card games, track betting, casino games, poker machines, lotteries, prize draws, sports betting, and stock market investments" (Arnold 1978:8) and is increasingly being recognized as a politically sensitive issue in New Zealand and overseas (Shaffer and Korn 2002).

Grant (1994) suggested that gambling should be considered in New Zealand as a "cultural baggage" introduced by new settlers. Grant (1994) points out that non-Māori settlers used gambling as a form of entertainment, to generate personal and collective wealth, to develop social and cultural services, and to redistribute assets and resources to various individuals and groups under the guise of "luck". Māori then followed suit, incorporating gambling into Māori cultural and Māori activities. This was reinforced by advertising gambling and Māori participation in new gambling developments, such as the opening of casinos (Bayly 1999).

Maori are a unique indigenous people who had no history or traditional concept of gambling prior to contact with non-Maori (Reid and Pouwhare 1992; Grant 1994; Hutt 1999). Maori also had no history of alcohol preparation or tobacco consumption (Reid and Pouwhare 1992; Grant 1994; Hutt 1999). Today, Maori often consume the three products in different environments, particularly pubs and social clubs, leading to codependency issues (Dyall and Morrison 2002). As a result of the normalization of gambling, it is now an integral part of the social, economic and cultural fabric of Maori and New Zealand communities. For example, Creative New Zealand, the Film Commission, and Sport and Recreation New Zealand provide grants for arts, film, and sporting activities, respectively, but their funding is heavily dependent on funding from the Lottery Grants Board3, which in turn receives funding from the New Zealand Gaming Products of the New Zealand Lottery Commission.

Māori also depend on these agencies and the Lottery Grants Board for funding for marae development and conservation. Such funding means that many Māori organisations and groups are dependent on gambling for their cultural survival unless alternative policies are decided that support Māori economic stability and aspirations for independence.

The impact of non-casino gambling machines on Māori whanau and communities is being recognised, but the ethical issues of Māori receiving money from gambling revenues have not been explored in depth by Māori community groups. The previous government recognised that gambling addiction is a Māori health issue (Department of Internal Affairs 2002).

Gambling is generally considered a normal recreational activity in New Zealand that does little harm, but it is time for New Zealanders to redefine gambling and consider it a "social hazard." Introduced organisms, new substances and social activities that may be considered "safe" in other communities and contexts may pose a risk in new environments because their impacts are unknown.

New Zealand has a lot of experience with the introduction of hazards where plants and animals that are "safe" in one place react quite differently in New Zealand, resulting in harmful weeds and pests. The term "social risk" applied to gambling is used speculatively because gambling is an activity, not a threat to the natural environment, yet it can harm families and communities and cause serious health and social problems (National Research Council (National Research Council 1999, Productivity Commission 1999)).

Furthermore, when it is legitimized by society and promoted as a normal recreational activity, it can change the values ​​of individuals and groups, leading to a reliance on "luck" such as winning the lottery or jackpot, rather than choosing and shaping the future through hard work and personal achievement. People's health and well-being are related to the degree of control they have over their lifetimes (New Zealand Health Promotion Forum 2000).

Howland (1994) considers the socializing effects of the government's weekly lottery, the Lotto. He points out that Lotto advertising in supermarkets, shopping centres and bookshops encouraging the purchase of weekly lottery tickets has encouraged and reinforced the ideal of the "good life". The lottery has encouraged a distinction between those who play and those who do not are considered "extremes" and "bad rays".

Participation is one of the core values ​​promoted by the Lotto and has been used to ensure that the Lotto is an integral part of New Zealand household spending. The Lotto is now part of the Kiwi psyche and a place where dreams are realised. Advertising and the ease with which tickets can be bought, like buying groceries at the supermarket, have helped normalise gambling in New Zealand (Howland 1994).

Gambling Expenditure and Problem Gambling

The defenders of the local community, the gaming provider, the government selected in the election, the indigenous people, and the gambler, especially the gaming machines, casinos, the Internet, increase in health problems, collapse family collapse, increase in debt, and increase debt Since we have realized the effects of gambling and the impact on harm, each country is increasingly reconsidering the policy of managing gambling.

While these concerns, in Canada, the United States, and New Zealand's indigenous groups (NGATI WHAKAUE, Tainui, etc.), as a concrete strategy to achieve our own social and economic development. Some groups want to actively involve gaming through gaming, such as slot machines, (Anders 1996; COZZETTO and LAROCQUE 1996). In addition, tribal organizations such as Maori and Tai Nui are aware that they will be disadvantaged from both Maori and No n-Maori, so they publicly emphasize their involvement in casinos and the ownership of gaming machines. It is.

The gambling value of gambling in New Zealand is becoming more and more diversified, and in the latest gambling reviews, more than half (56 %) commented that gambling should not be part of society. NATIONAL SURVEY OFFICE 2001).

Nevertheless, gambling in New Zealand is now an important part of the national, local governments, private organizations, charitable organizations, and personal wealth. This is clear due to the annual growth rate of Sky City and its shares, and the increase in game consoles approved by the Ministry of Home Affairs (Ayers 1998). < SPAN> Defender, gaming providers, governments, indigenous people, and gamblers, especially gaming machines, casinos, Internet, increase in health problems, increase in health problems, collapse home, and c o-dependence, The country is reconsidering the policies to manage gambling, such as an increase in debt, such as gambling costs and impact on harm.

While these concerns, in Canada, the United States, and New Zealand's indigenous groups (NGATI WHAKAUE, Tainui, etc.), as a concrete strategy for achieving their wishes for their social and economic development. Some groups want to actively involve gaming through gaming, such as slot machines, (Anders 1996; COZZETTO and LAROCQUE 1996). In addition, tribal organizations such as Maori and Tai Nui are aware that they will be disadvantaged from both Maori and No n-Maori, so they publicly emphasize their involvement in casinos and the ownership of gaming machines. It is.

The perspective of gambling in New Zealand is becoming increasingly diversifying, and in the latest gambling reviews, more than half (56 %) commented that gambling should not be part of society ( NATIONAL SURVEY OFFICE 2001).

Nevertheless, gambling in New Zealand is now an important part of the national, local governments, private organizations, charitable organizations, and personal wealth. This is clear due to the annual growth rate of Sky City and its shares and the increase in game consoles approved by the Ministry of Home Affairs (Ayers 1998). The defenders of the local community, the gaming provider, the government selected in the election, the indigenous people, and the gambler, especially the gaming machines, casinos, the Internet, increase in health problems, collapse family collapse, increase in debt, and increase debt Since we have realized the effects of gambling and the impact on harm, each country is increasingly reconsidering the policy of managing gambling.	While these concerns, in Canada, the United States, and New Zealand's indigenous groups (NGATI WHAKAUE, Tainui, etc.), as a concrete strategy to achieve our own social and economic development. Some groups want to actively involve gaming through gaming, such as slot machines, (Anders 1996; COZZETTO and LAROCQUE 1996). In addition, tribal organizations such as Maori and Tai Nui are aware that they will be disadvantaged from both Maori and No n-Maori, so they publicly emphasize their involvement in casinos and the ownership of gaming machines. It is.	The gambling value of gambling in New Zealand is becoming more and more diversified, and in the latest gambling reviews, more than half (56 %) commented that gambling should not be part of society. NATIONAL SURVEY OFFICE 2001).	Nevertheless, gambling in New Zealand is now an important part of the national, local governments, private organizations, charitable organizations, and personal wealth. This is clear due to the annual growth rate of Sky City and its shares, and the increase in game consoles approved by the Ministry of Home Affairs (Ayers 1998).
Korn (2000) suggests that a public health approach to gambling should be taken to achieve a balanced view, recognizing both the positive and negative impacts that gambling has on communities and countries. A public health approach allows for a broader range of clinical and preventive interventions, sees people in their social context rather than focusing on the individual, and explores the influence of cultural, family and community values ​​on behaviour. It also recognises the condition of Waitangi. It also encourages the interaction of systems, organisations and political groups, and allows for the analysis and consideration of interactions between and within various public policies such as education, employment, taxation, tourism and Māori development policies (Korn and Shaffer 2000; Durie 2001; Shaffer and Korn 2002).	A public health approach also allows for health behaviours to be observed and managed along a continuum, so that areas of risk and resilience, protective factors and conditions can be identified and explored. A public health perspective allows for the development of an integrated approach that can take into account and implement different relationships and interventions within the system (Durie 2001). A public health approach is therefore important in recognising that Māori health outcomes are directly related to Māori interactions and responses to Crown services and policies by successive governments. Policies currently in place will not only impact the current Māori generation but future generations as well (Durie 2001).	1.3	0.6
Kezwer (1996) suggests that many are unaware that countries like New Zealand are part of a new social revolution in which gambling is being actively punished by elected governments. He predicts that countries like New Zealand and Canada will experience a social epidemic due to gambling in the next decade (Kezwer 1996).	Based on these predictions, considering the effects of gambling and the various approaches that can be obtained to manage the introduction of new and existing gambling in the community and the country, it has been a bit of a time. It is necessary to recognize that the government is not neutral to this issue (KEZWER 1996; Korn 2000). Like gambling operators, the government selected in the election has vested interests in the development of gambling, actively involved in providing gambling, and uses gambling as part of the form. Such situations are currently present in New Zealand.	3.6	3.5
In 2001/02, New Zealanders spent more than $ 11. 6 billion in gambling and lost $ 1. 7 billion (the difference was about $ 10 billion). The sales (total of all gambling, including reinvestment of prize money, which is the main component of gaming machines and match betting) is the same as the amount of New Zealand currently spending on medical services, and the loss is medical. It will support the major development of services.	ABBOTT and Volberg (2000) published a larg e-scale telephone survey result for New Zealanders aged 18 and over in 1999, and are on the patterns and costs of the local community, the patterns and costs of sick gambling. The rate was revealed. Problem gambling and pathological gambling have been identified using a modified version of Southern Oaks Gambling Screen (Sogs), which is internationally recognized as a screening tool for gambling and pathological gambling from the perspective of DSM-IV psychiatry. Sogs identifies the main behaviors related to the gambling and pathological gambling, and in New Zealand, it was adapted to create sel f-diagnosis tools for individuals or medical experts to identify problem gambling. It is important to identify the problem gambling at least five people with serious gambling addicted patients, usually affected the family (Productivity Commission 1999; Sullivan et al. 2000). < SPAN> Given these predictions, considering the effects of gambling and the various approaches that can be obtained to manage the introduction of new and existing gambling in the community and the country, it has been a good time. Yes, many governments need to recognize that this issue is not neutral (KEZWER 1996; Korn 2000). Like gambling operators, the government selected in the election has vested interests in the development of gambling, actively involved in providing gambling, and uses gambling as part of the form. Such situations are currently present in New Zealand.	7.8	3.2
In 2001/02, New Zealanders spent more than $ 11. 6 billion in gambling and lost $ 1. 7 billion (the difference was about $ 10 billion). The sales (total of all gambling, including reinvestment of prize money, which is the main component of gaming machines and match betting) is the same as the amount of New Zealand currently spending on medical services, and the loss is medical. It will support the major development of services.	ABBOTT and Volberg (2000) published a larg e-scale telephone survey result for New Zealanders aged 18 and over in 1999, and are on the patterns and costs of the local community, the patterns and costs of sick gambling. The rate was revealed. Problem gambling and pathological gambling have been identified using a modified version of Southern Oaks Gambling Screen (Sogs), which is internationally recognized as a screening tool for gambling and pathological gambling from the perspective of DSM-IV psychiatry. Sogs identifies the main behaviors related to the gambling and pathological gambling, and in New Zealand, it was adapted to create sel f-diagnosis tools for individuals or medical experts to identify problem gambling. It is important to identify the problem gambling at least five people with serious gambling addicted patients, usually affected the family (Productivity Commission 1999; Sullivan et al. 2000). Based on these predictions, considering the effects of gambling and the various approaches that can be obtained to manage the introduction of new and existing gambling in the community and the country, it has been a bit of a time. It is necessary to recognize that the government is not neutral to this issue (KEZWER 1996; Korn 2000). Like gambling operators, the government selected in the election has vested interests in the development of gambling, actively involved in providing gambling, and uses gambling as part of the form. Such situations are currently present in New Zealand.	2.9	0.0
In 2001/02, New Zealanders spent more than $ 11. 6 billion in gambling and lost $ 1. 7 billion (the difference was about $ 10 billion). The sales (total of all gambling, including reinvestment of prize money, which is the main component of gaming machines and match betting) is the same as the amount of New Zealand currently spending on medical services, and the loss is medical. It will support the major development of services.	ABBOTT and Volberg (2000) published a larg e-scale telephone survey result for New Zealanders aged 18 and over in 1999, and are on the patterns and costs of the local community, the patterns and costs of sick gambling. The rate was revealed. Problem gambling and pathological gambling have been identified using a modified version of Southern Oaks Gambling Screen (Sogs), which is internationally recognized as a screening tool for gambling and pathological gambling from the perspective of DSM-IV psychiatry. Sogs identifies the main behaviors related to the gambling and pathological gambling, and in New Zealand, it was adapted to create sel f-diagnosis tools for individuals or medical experts to identify problem gambling. It is important to identify the problem gambling at least five people with serious gambling addicted patients, usually affected the family (Productivity Commission 1999; Sullivan et al. 2000).	0.8	1.2

Abbott and Volberg conducted a study in 1991 that estimated that Māori are three times more likely to be at risk of gambling problems than Pakeha, and that Māori spend more on gambling than Pakeha, despite Māori having significantly lower incomes (Volberg and Abbott 1997). This gambling pattern was confirmed in a more recent study in 1999 (Abbott and Volberg 2000). After comparing the results and considering the limitations of both studies, Abbott and Volberg (2000) concluded that the prevalence of problem and pathological gambling in New Zealand may have declined since 1991. It is estimated that 1% to 3% of New Zealand adults have experienced gambling problems at some point in their lives.

Reviewers of this study suggested that the 1991 data on estimated problem and pathological gambling are more appropriate because of the limitations of telephone solicitation in the 2000 study and the limited ethnic diversity and age of participants (Smith and Barnfield 2001). However, Abbott and Volberg consider the 1999 results to be the most accurate for gambling and problem gambling in the New Zealand adult population (Abbott and Volberg 2000).

Gaming Review: Proposals for Responsible Gambling Still Fail to Provide Protection

Data from 1991 suggest that the prevalence of pathological gambling in the New Zealand population as a whole is between 2. 1% and 2. 7%, and the prevalence of problem gambling is between 3. 6% and 4. 2% (Abbott and Volberg 1996; Smith and Barnfield 2001). Problem and pathological gambling rates among Māori were at least three times higher than among Pakeha in 1991 and 1999. The table below shows that data from 1999 show that problem and pathological gambling is not uniformly prevalent in the New Zealand population, with some ethnic groups more adversely affected than others.

Table 1 Lifetime gaming status (1999)

Ethnicity

No problem

Problem

Pathological

European

98. 1

Maori

Gambling: A Social Hazard for Māori

92. 9

Pacific Islander

89. 0

• Asian
• 97. 1
• Other
• 97. 9
• Source: Abbott and Volberg (2000: 182) Note: Data are within 95% confidence level.
• Using the Māori Life Problems and Summary estimates and applying them to the 1996 census population of 294. 759 Māori adults, 10. 611 (3. 6%) to 10. 316 (3. 5%) Māori could have been assessed as problem or pathological players in 1999. This means that this recreational leisure activity should be redefined and considered a social risk that poses major health problems in New Zealand (Abbott 2001). The 1999 results suggest that problem and pathological gambling may have decreased since 1991, but New Zealand faces an increasing epidemic of problem gambling due to the proliferation of non-casino gaming machines in various communities (Paton-Simpson et al., 2002). Since 1990, New Zealand has had three reviews of gambling legislation and proposed legislation to curb the expansion of gambling and improve licensing, but none have been enacted since the country suspended consideration of further casino license applications (Department of Home Affairs 1996, 2001a). The most recent gambling review, launched in 2000, focused on reviewing existing gambling legislation, the distribution of gambling profits, the impact of new technology on gambling, inconsistent taxation of different forms of gambling, and the extent to which it incurs social and private costs, including fraud, crime, and the impact on Maori communities (Department of Internal Affairs 2001a).
• Gambling-related research shows that gambling is a social risk in New Zealand. For example, a recent prison survey found that approximately one-third of recently incarcerated female prisoners and one-quarter of recently incarcerated male prisoners were problem gamblers at the time of incarceration. Additionally, the recorded rates of problem and pathological gambling among female prisoners were the highest of any previous gambling study, except for studies of people seeking or receiving treatment for pathological gambling (Abbott et al.). More than half of the participants in these two prison studies were Māori, suggesting that if Māori are at risk of problem gambling, gambling is an important risk factor for high rates of incarceration among Māori (Durie 2001).
• The harmful consequences of gambling require decision-makers to reassess gambling and recognise the wider social harms it causes. The recent gambling review has resulted in recommendations to collectively promote responsible gambling. Key suggestions include clarifying which gambling sectors a particular gambling industry can engage in, regulating different categories of gambling rather than other casinos, limiting the growth of gambling machines in new gambling venues to nine, replacing the Casino Control Authority with a new Gaming Commission with community involvement in permitting gambling machines, and requiring the development of regulations that reduce harms associated with gambling.
• While these decisions seem important, they offer little protection for Māori and other New Zealanders, as no general principles have been proposed to guide gambling decisions, particularly with regard to new gambling products that are constantly being developed by various gambling operators to maintain gambling revenues and, where possible, increase market share.
• Concurrent with these proposals is also the need for New Zealanders to rethink the role, place and scale of gambling in New Zealand society. Historically, gambling has been accepted uncritically as inherent to New Zealand society.
• While the proposals for the Responsible Gambling Act do not ignore social costs (e. g. one of the aims is to "prevent and minimise harm from gambling, including problem gambling"), gambling is seen as having a primary purpose of community benefit and current regulations still allow it to grow (Department of Home Affairs 2002). For example, the government has not placed a cap on the number of gambling machines that can be licensed in New Zealand.
• It does not include provisions for responsible gambling, which recognise the Treaty of Waitangi, the right of Maori to actively benefit from gambling developments in New Zealand, and the right of Maori to participate as equal partners with the Crown in all levels of planning and decision-making regarding gambling and gambling addiction in New Zealand (Dyall 2002). A national Maori gambling club will be formed to raise Maori awareness and strengthen Maori advocacy in all areas of gambling, similar to what indigenous peoples have done in the United States and Canada to achieve sovereignty and economic independence (Duffie 1988).
• As part of responsible gambling in New Zealand, recognition of the Treaty of Waitangi is important. The Treaty of Waitangi is a social contract between Maori and the Crown, and it clearly states that its primary purpose is to protect Maori interests. The Treaty of Waitangi also allows Maori to form a government, subject to certain conditions that they have the right to manage and own their own resources and taonga (treasures), and are given the same rights as British subjects. Under the Treaty of Waitangi, there should be no difference in gambling problems between Maori and non-Maori, and it is reasonable for Maori to receive the same consequences from gambling as the Crown, such as an equal share of the revenue derived from gambling, a clear allocation of gaming machines that can be owned or distributed, active involvement in the licensing and regulation of all forms of gaming, and the right of Maori to actively benefit from legalized gambling. Currently, these provisions do not exist for Maori.
• In connection with gambling, the policy recognition of the witanggi's obligations is different (Dyall and Morrison 2002, Markland 2002). The Grants Board, a national institution, recognizes the obligation to recognize the Witangi Treaty, actively involves the Maori tribe, and reflects the obligations of the treaty in fund distribution. It is encouraged to formulate the Waitangi Framework Treaty (Garden and Parata 1997). Maori can consider whether Maori's culture, sports, and community infrastructure should be greatly dependent on gambling, and whether to use gambling as a strategy to maintain a shor t-term and mediu m-term conditions for economic independence and sel f-sufficiency. It is important that Maori participates in all aspects of gambling.

In New Zealand, alcohol and cigarettes are being recognized for being a social risk, especially for the Maori tribe. Gambling is generally advertised as a positive activity that is less harmful, has no dependence, and does not affect the happiness of others. Durie proposes that gambling is now "TE AO HOU", which can cause serious health problems and should be considered a new lifestyle risk in terms of alcohol.

Problem Gambling On New Zealand's Public Health Agenda

The abuse of alcohol and drugs has a serious threat to Maori's health and Wellbeeing, which is comparable to infectious diseases that have devastated the Maori society 100 years ago. The mortality rate due to alcohol abuse is not higher than the effects of diphtheria, but the price is unreasonable than the effects of diphtheria, but in that human potential is not realized. be. (Durie 2001: 125)

Gambling and gambling addiction are currently affecting the Maori tribe as follows:

Currently, being ethnicity, especially the Maori tribe, is an important indicator of the potential risk of problem gambling and pathological gambling (Abbott and Volberg 2000).

Maori's gambler spends more gambling than Pakeha's gamblers. Despite the limited income of individuals and households, Maori households have more gambling per week (TE PUNI KOKIRI 1998A; Abbott and Volberg 2000).

In the treatment statistics, despite the high percentage of population, the Maori tribe is less used for the necessity of gambling treatment services (indicated by the issue of problems) (Paton-Simpson et al., 2002). 。

New Gaming Legislation: Requirement for Recognition of Gambling As a Social Hazard

Although Māori adults make up 10% of the New Zealand adult population, at least a quarter of those seeking gambling treatment or counselling services are Māori (Paton-Simpson et al. 2002).

More than 40% of female prisoners and just under a third of male prisoners report having had a gambling problem at some point in their lives. Over half of New Zealand's prison population is Māori (Abbott et al 2000; Abbott and McKenna 2000).

New Zealand female prisoners have been found to have the highest rates of problem and pathological gambling recorded outside of surveys of those seeking or receiving treatment for pathological gambling. The majority of New Zealand female prisoners are Māori (Abbott and McKenna 2000).

Māori women are increasingly seeking help for problem gambling related to gambling machines. The growing awareness of problem gambling among Māori women has changed the Māori gambling profile and made it different from other indigenous groups who share similar socio-economic circumstances (Volberg and Abbott 1997).

Māori have a high conversion rate to new gambling games when they are introduced. Māori engage in both persistent and non-progressive gambling (Volberg and Abbott 1997; Abbott and Volberg 2000).

Māori men and women develop problem gambling at least 10 years earlier than non-Māori, which may be due to earlier exposure to gambling and normalization of gambling in Māori communities (Compulsive Gambling Society of NZ 1998).

Māori problem gambling is more severe than other ethnic groups when assessed in gambling treatment services (Paton-Simpson et al. 2002).

Tab Developments and "Powerball": Examples of New Social Hazards

Māori use gambling to fulfill life functions and roles associated with Māori underdevelopment, such as making money, providing excitement, providing social opportunities, supporting valued activities, relieving boredom, escaping personal trauma and poverty, and transmitting Māori cultural values ​​(Morrison 1999; Abbott et al. 2000; Abbott and McKenna 2000).

Māori gambling patterns and the risk of problem gambling are linked to Māori experiences of colonization and the inferior position Māori hold in New Zealand society (Abbott and Volberg 2000).

Māori gamblers consider problem and pathological gambling to be worse than other addictions because it destroys individuals, whanau, and communities (Dyall 2002).

Problem gambling not only affects the quality of the gambling dependent, but also has a significant impact on others. Gambling addiction hinders individual and family life management abilities, along with or with other addiction (Dyall 2002).

For the Maori tribe, gambling is a social risk, and it should be treated and managed in the same way as newly introduced or changed biological and chemicals in the New Zealand environment. 。 Considering the adverse effects of gambling on Maori, Maori can build a strategic ti e-up with all stakeholders and major stakeholders involving gambling, licensing, management, and gambling revenue. It has been proposed that Maori is involved at all levels of licensing, regulations, and all formal gambling management. Such involvements are supported by the Witanigi Treaty and Maori's desire for Tino Langatratanga (sel f-determination), and supports an approach that minimizes the harm of Maori (Durie 2001).

The Labor and Advanced Coalition Government proposed that gambling was part of New Zealand's health issues in order to relieve public concerns in the increase in gambling in New Zealand, but the government's New Zealand Health Strategy (Minister for). Health 2000) was not recognized as public health issues and was not mentioned. This decision is the government's political sensitivity to changes in local communities, despite the fact that gambling and pathological gambling in the local community and the impact on the Maori tribe have been known for more than 10 years. It shows you. < SPAN> Problem gambling not only affects the quality of the gambling dependent, but also has a significant impact on others. Gambling addiction hinders individual and family life management abilities, along with or with other addiction (Dyall 2002).

For the Maori tribe, gambling is a social risk, and it should be treated and managed in the same way as newly introduced or changed biological and chemicals in the New Zealand environment. 。 Considering the adverse effects of gambling on Maori, Maori can build a strategic ti e-up with all stakeholders and major stakeholders involving gambling, licensing, management, and gambling revenue. It has been proposed that Maori is involved at all levels of licensing, regulations, and all formal gambling management. Such involvements are supported by the Witanigi Treaty and Maori's desire for Tino Langatratanga (sel f-determination), and supports an approach that minimizes the harm of Maori (Durie 2001).

Conclusion

The Labor and Advanced Coalition Government proposed that gambling was part of New Zealand's health issues in order to relieve public concerns in the increase in gambling in New Zealand, but the government's New Zealand Health Strategy (Minister for). Health 2000) was not recognized as public health issues and was not mentioned. This decision is the government's political sensitivity to changes in local communities, despite the fact that the spread of gambling and pathological gambling in the local community and the impact on the Maori tribe has been known for more than 10 years. It shows you. Problem gambling not only affects the quality of the gambling dependent, but also has a significant impact on others. Gambling addiction hinders individual and family life management abilities, along with or with other addiction (Dyall 2002).

For the Maori tribe, gambling is a social risk, and it should be treated and managed in the same way as newly introduced or changed biological and chemicals in the New Zealand environment. 。 Considering the adverse effects of gambling on Maori, Maori can build a strategic ti e-up with all stakeholders and major stakeholders involving gambling, licensing, management, and gambling revenue. It has been proposed that Maori is involved at all levels of licensing, regulations, and all formal gambling management. Such involvements are supported by the Witanigi Treaty and Maori's desire for Tino Langatratanga (sel f-determination), and supports an approach that minimizes the harm of Maori (Durie 2001).

References

The Labor and Advanced Coalition Government proposed that gambling was part of New Zealand's health issues in order to relieve public concerns in the increase in gambling in New Zealand, but the government's New Zealand Health Strategy (Minister for). Health 2000) was not recognized as public health issues and was not mentioned. This decision is the government's political sensitivity to changes in local communities, despite the fact that the spread of gambling and pathological gambling in the local community and the impact on the Maori tribe has been known for more than 10 years. It shows you.

The development of public hygiene intervention to deal with the gambling of the problem is currently being considered in both mental health and public health in the Ministry of Health, and in 2004/05 this department is responsible for purchasing gambling services. It is likely to bear. In FY2002/03, about $ 8. 6 million was spent on gambling treatment services sponsored by a specific gambling industry (Gambling Problem HelPline 2002). Services are purchased through private purchasers, and funds are increasing year by year. The Maori representatives are not properly participating in the two major institutions that determine the necessary funds and the level of the service to be purchased. In FY2002/03, the Maori gambling treatment service was all over $ 1 million. In FY2003/04, the total funds for gambling treatment and related services will be about $ 12 million.

In order to provide continuous funds, the government has a specific gambling industry, such as casinos, Tab (Totalizator Agency Board), Lotteries Commission, and gaming machine category other than casinos It proposes to operate a gambling tax that is weighted, which is weighted according to the total amount and annual professional gambling experienced number of people.

The gambling taxation presented has a significant limit to Maori, and is likely to worsen inequality in Maori's health results. At present, the press has not acknowledged the Witangi Treaty, gamblin g-addicted patients on others, the effects of gambling addiction between generations, and the effects of gambling normalization. Furthermore, this levy is "Culture," the Maori tribe, a barrier to the Maori tribe, the lack of funds for reducing the gambling dependence of the Maori tribe, such as having a prison or a local gambling treatment service. It is not considered to be compensated as a "luggage". For Maori. Gamblin g-dependent tax does not mention the catastrophic impact on Maori's social capital (including the relationship between Whanau). These are important issues, and emphasize that gambling will continue to be Maori's social risk unless there is a big change (Productivity Commission 1999; Dyall 2002).

At present, it is recognized that gaming machines other than casinos can cause the largest damage, and then the casinos will cause damage. This reflects the fact that the majority of the Maori tribe who consulted for gambling treatment recognizes that more than 90%recognize that these gambling is the most difficult thing in 2001 (Paton-). Simpson et al., 2002).

The main purpose of the harmful substance and the new creature law (HSNO Law) in 1996 is to "promote the health and security of the environment, people and local communities by preventing or managing harmful substances and new organisms." Yes (Article 4). In this law, dangerous substances are defined as unique properties such as explosivity, flammability, oxidation, corrosive, toxicity, and ecology. This law focuses on the dangerous properties of specific chemicals, biological substances, and living things, especially in contact with water and air, and have not been properly managed. No harm is eligible.

Gambling matches this context and requires appropriate regulations, licenses and management. Two principles support the main purpose to support the implementation of the HSNO law. First, all those who exercise their functions, authorities, and obligations need to be aware and provide "ensuring the ability to support the life of air, water, and ecosystems." Second, "maintaining and improving the abilities of people and the local community to ensure their own economic, social, cultural happiness, and the rational needs of future generations." Must be guaranteed (Section 5). In addition to the two basic principles stipulated in this law, all those who are "all endemic species and valuable immigration plants, the essential value of the ecosystem, public health, Maori, and their ancestors and ancestors. It is obliged to consider the relationship with the land of the traditional land ... ". In addition, individuals are required to "recognize the principles of the Witangi Treaty in all activities" (Paragraph 8). < SPAN> At present, it is recognized that gaming machines other than casinos can cause the largest damage and then the casinos will cause damage. This reflects the fact that the majority of the Maori tribe who consulted for gambling treatment recognizes that more than 90%recognize that these gambling is the most difficult thing in 2001 (Paton-). Simpson et al., 2002).

The main purpose of the harmful substance and the new creature law (HSNO Law) in 1996 is to "promote the health and security of the environment, people and local communities by preventing or managing harmful substances and new organisms." Yes (Article 4). In this law, dangerous substances are defined as unique properties such as explosivity, flammability, oxidation, corrosive, toxicity, and ecology. This law focuses on the dangerous properties of specific chemicals, biological substances, and living things, especially in contact with water and air, and have not been properly managed. No harm is eligible.

Gambling matches this context and requires appropriate regulations, licenses and management. Two principles support the main purpose to support the implementation of the HSNO law. First, all those who exercise their functions, authorities, and obligations need to be aware and provide "ensuring the ability to support the life of air, water, and ecosystems." Second, "maintaining and improving the abilities of people and the local community to ensure their own economic, social, cultural happiness, and the rational needs of future generations." Must be guaranteed (Section 5). In addition to the two basic principles stipulated in this law, all those who are "all endemic species and valuable immigration plants, the essential value of the ecosystem, public health, Maori, and their ancestors and ancestors. It is obliged to consider the relationship with the land of the traditional land ... ". In addition, individuals are required to "recognize the principles of the Witangi Treaty in all activities" (Paragraph 8). At present, it is recognized that gaming machines other than casinos can cause the largest damage, and then the casinos will cause damage. This reflects the fact that the majority of the Maori tribe who consulted for gambling treatment recognizes that more than 90%recognize that these gambling is the most difficult thing in 2001 (Paton-). Simpson et al., 2002).

The main purpose of the harmful substance and the new creature law (HSNO Law) in 1996 is to "promote the health and security of the environment, people and local communities by preventing or managing harmful substances and new organisms." Yes (Article 4). In this law, dangerous substances are defined as unique properties such as explosivity, flammability, oxidation, corrosive, toxicity, and ecology. This law focuses on the dangerous properties of specific chemicals, biological substances, and living things, especially in contact with water and air, and have not been properly managed. No harm is eligible.

Gambling matches this context and requires appropriate regulations, licenses and management. Two principles support the main purpose to support the implementation of the HSNO law. First, all those who exercise their functions, authorities, and obligations need to be aware and provide "ensuring the ability to support the life of air, water, and ecosystems." Second, "maintaining and improving the abilities of people and the local community to ensure their own economic, social, cultural happiness, and the reasonable needs of future generations." Must be guaranteed (Section 5). In addition to the two basic principles stipulated in this law, all those who are "all endemic species and valuable immigration and plants, the essential value of the ecosystem, public health, Maori, their culture and traditions and ancestors. It is obliged to consider the relationship with the land of the traditional land ... ". In addition, individuals are required to "recognize the principles of the Witangi Treaty in all activities" (Paragraph 8).

The protection of the natural environment, the promotion and strengthening of sel f-determination, the protection of people, the protection of people, and the sustainability of the current and future generations are supported by Maori and one of the rights of Maori, which is claimed by the Witangi Treaty The part is formed. These principles are also related to gambling. For example, many Maori communities and tribal groups may greatly depend on the sales of weekly lots and local games, with the future development and maintenance of their own marae, sports, and cultural activities if they are given appropriate information. You don't want to be. Maori is more dangerous than Lotto and Gambling Machines, rather than arranging food on the dining table and supporting children's education by spending valuable income on gambling. I am more and more aware. Despite Maori's income is half of the no n-Maori, Maori households spend more money per week than education expenses (Te Puni Kokiri 1998b). Maori's population is many young people, and unnecessarily used resources have a significant impact on the quality of all Wanau, especially the children's lives.

The 1996 HSNO method also stipulates organizations and processes for introducing and managing new harmful substances. The Environmental Risk Management Bureau, which supervises the implementation of this law, is an independent organization consisting of members appointed by the government. Maori's representative is not defined as the right of this institution, but Maori needs to implement this law.

The main role of the Environmental Risk Management Bureau is to protect the safety and future happiness of the people. This institution has a clear authority and responsibility. When introducing new chemicals and biological dangerous substances in New Zealand, all applications must be registered and judged in this institution. Registration requires a fee. Authorities are also required to store all applications and monitor all applications to keep the registration book for all applications and to confirm that the approval or refusal nature of the application has been observed. < SPAN> Protection of natural environment, sel f-determination promoting and strengthening, sel f-sufficiency, protection of people, and the sustainability of the current and future generations, Maori supported by Maori and is claimed by the Waitangi Treaty It forms a part of the rights. These principles are also related to gambling. For example, many Maori communities and tribal groups may greatly depend on the sales of weekly lots and local games, with the future development and maintenance of their own marae, sports, and cultural activities if they are given appropriate information. You don't want to be. Maori is more dangerous than Lotto and Gambling Machines, rather than arranging food on the dining table and supporting children's education by spending valuable income on gambling. I am more and more aware. Despite Maori's income is half of the no n-Maori, Maori households spend a lot of money on gambling than education expenses (Te Puni Kokiri 1998b). Maori's population is many young people, and unnecessarily used resources have a significant impact on the quality of all Wanau, especially the children's lives.

The 1996 HSNO method also stipulates organizations and processes for introducing and managing new harmful substances. The Environmental Risk Management Bureau, which supervises the implementation of this law, is an independent organization consisting of members appointed by the government. Maori's representative is not defined as the right of this institution, but Maori needs to implement this law.

The main role of the Environmental Risk Management Bureau is to protect the safety and future happiness of the people. This institution has a clear authority and responsibility. When introducing new chemicals and biological dangerous substances in New Zealand, all applications must be registered and judged in this institution. Registration requires a fee. Authorities are also required to store all applications and monitor all applications to keep the registration book for all applications and to confirm that the approval or refusal nature of the application has been observed. The protection of the natural environment, the promotion and strengthening of sel f-determination, the protection of people, the protection of people, and the sustainability of the current and future generations are supported by Maori and one of the rights of Maori, which is claimed by the Witangi Treaty The part is formed. These principles are also related to gambling. For example, many Maori communities and tribal groups may greatly depend on the sales of weekly lots and local games, with the future development and maintenance of their own marae, sports, and cultural activities if they are given appropriate information. You don't want to be. Maori is more dangerous than Lotto and Gambling Machines, rather than arranging food on the dining table and supporting children's education by spending valuable income on gambling. I am more and more aware. Despite Maori's income is half of the no n-Maori, Maori households spend a lot of money on gambling than education expenses (Te Puni Kokiri 1998b). Maori's population is many young people, and unnecessarily used resources have a significant impact on the quality of all Wanau, especially the children's lives.

The 1996 HSNO method also stipulates organizations and processes for introducing and managing new harmful substances. The Environmental Risk Management Bureau, which supervises the implementation of this law, is an independent organization consisting of members appointed by the government. Maori's representative is not defined as the right of this institution, but Maori needs to implement this law.

The main role of the Environmental Risk Management Bureau is to protect the safety and future happiness of the people. This institution has a clear authority and responsibility. When introducing new chemicals and biological dangerous substances in New Zealand, all applications must be registered and judged in this institution. Registration requires a fee. Authorities are also required to store all applications and monitor all applications to keep the registration book for all applications and to confirm that the approval or refusal nature of the application has been observed.

In addition to the management of chemical and biological risks, authorities should also be involved in the decision on genetically modified organisms. In this field, various profit organizations have been dismissed by various profit organizations. The Maori tribe has a strong view of environmental protection, and it is necessary to proceed carefully regarding genetically modification. Recently, the EnvironMental Risk Management Authority has been criticized for not accepting the opinions of Maori's community and Maori as equivalent to scientific opinions. The royal committee on genetically modified, acknowledged that Maori's views and values ​​could be different from scientific views, and advised to establish a specialized institution. Was established, discussed, explored new opportunities, and proposed to measure costs (Revington 2001).

Gambling is complicated, requiring ethical decisions, influencing the culture of Maori and New Zealand, and increasingly involved in new tw o-way technology like the Internet. Although the HSNO method has a limit, it provides a legal framework with an independent organization to consider clear purpose, principle, and new risks and guarantee appropriate management. The adoption of such laws will be the role of the gaming of the Maori and no n-Maori tribes in New Zealand society, and will be useful for redefining the impact on the social, economic and cultural basis of various communities. 。 In contrast to a responsible gambling proposal that regulates gambling, people's protection is the center of this law. < SPAN> In addition to the management of chemical and biological risks, authorities should also be involved in the decision on genetically modified organisms. In this field, various profit organizations have been dismissed by various profit organizations. The Maori tribe has a strong view of environmental protection, and it is necessary to proceed carefully regarding genetically modification. Recently, the EnvironMental Risk Management Authority has been criticized for not accepting the opinions of Maori's community and Maori as equivalent to scientific opinions. The royal committee on genetically modified, acknowledged that Maori's views and values ​​could be different from scientific views, and advised to establish a specialized institution. Was established, discussed, explored new opportunities, and proposed to measure costs (Revington 2001).

Gambling is complicated, requiring ethical decisions, influencing the culture of Maori and New Zealand, and increasingly involved in new tw o-way technology like the Internet. Although the HSNO method has a limit, it provides a legal framework with an independent organization to consider clear purpose, principle, and new risks and guarantee appropriate management. The adoption of such laws will be the role of the gaming of the Maori and no n-Maori tribes in New Zealand society, and will be useful for redefining the impact on the social, economic and cultural basis of various communities. 。 In contrast to a responsible gambling proposal that regulates gambling, people's protection is the center of this law. In addition to the management of chemical and biological risks, authorities should also be involved in the decision on genetically modified organisms. In this field, various profit organizations have been dismissed by various profit organizations. The Maori tribe has a strong view of environmental protection, and it is necessary to proceed carefully regarding genetically modification. Recently, the EnvironMental Risk Management Authority has been criticized for not accepting the opinions of Maori's community and Maori as equivalent to scientific opinions. The royal committee on genetically modified, acknowledged that Maori's views and values ​​could be different from scientific views, and advised to establish a specialized institution. Was established, discussed, explored new opportunities, and proposed to measure costs (Revington 2001).

Gambling is complicated, requiring ethical decisions, influencing the culture of Maori and New Zealand, and increasingly involved in new tw o-way technology like the Internet. Although the HSNO method has a limit, it provides a legal framework with an independent organization to consider clear purpose, principle, and new risks and guarantee appropriate management. The adoption of such laws will be the role of the gaming of the Maori and no n-Maori tribes in New Zealand society, and will be useful for redefining the impact on the social, economic and cultural basis of various communities. 。 In contrast to simply a responsible gambling proposal that regulates gambling, people's protection is the center of this law.

Currently, New Zealand has intensified competition between gaming operators to maintain market share and increase profits if possible. Each gaming industry is always thinking about introducing a new chance game within the defined parameters to increase profits, regardless of the harmful effects of itself or other gaming forms. For example, TAB is currently operating online races and online betting on the Internet and being able to continue to expand sports betting. TAB has not been allowed to run a gaming machine at a tab shop (the gaming machine installed in a tab shop was owned by a community trust), and could not be operated in a casino. However, in the new gambling method, tabs can operate in both areas.

New chance games may be introduced in New Zealand without ful l-scale consultation with Maori and the general public or as new social risk. In the future, under responsible gambling, the Ministry of Home Affairs, the government's main advisor to gambling, will approve and regulate gambling of all forms except for casinos (Labor Party and Alliance Government 2002).

Since the new law replaces existing gambling regulations, the gambling industry can develop new products without having to consult with the general public or consider the impact of new products. For example, the New Zealand Lotteries Commission reported that the funds that could be distributed through the Lotteries Grants Board in 2002/03). In the second half Compared to the funds that the committee has put into the subsidy committee, it is definitely decreasing). The organization was also reorganized to focus on Auckland, which is known to be an important consumer of the New Zealand Committee. However, there is no indication of how the Witangi Treaty is recognized in new product development and income distribution, and how the Maori tribes will benefit from the distribution of the committee. < SPAN> Currently, competition among gaming operators is intensifying in New Zealand to maintain market share and increase profits if possible. Each gaming industry is always thinking about introducing a new chance game within the defined parameters to increase profits, regardless of the harmful effects of itself or other gaming forms. For example, TAB is currently operating online races and online betting on the Internet and being able to continue to expand sports betting. TAB has not been allowed to run a gaming machine at a tab shop (the gaming machine installed in a tab shop was owned by a community trust), and could not be operated in a casino. However, in the new gambling method, tabs can operate in both areas.

New chance games may be introduced in New Zealand without ful l-scale consultation with Maori and the general public or as new social risk. In the future, under responsible gambling, the Ministry of Home Affairs, the government's main advisor to gambling, will approve and regulate gambling of all forms except for casinos (Labor Party and Alliance Government 2002).

Since the new law replaces existing gambling regulations, the gambling industry can develop new products without having to consult with the general public or consider the impact of new products. For example, the New Zealand Lotteries Commission reported that the funds that could be distributed through the Lotteries Grants Board in 2002/03). In the second half Compared to the funds that the committee has put into the subsidy committee, it is definitely decreasing). The organization was also reorganized to focus on Auckland, which is known to be an important consumer of the New Zealand Committee. However, there is no indication of how the Witangi Treaty is recognized in new product development and income distribution, and how the Maori tribes will benefit from the distribution of the committee. Currently, New Zealand has intensified competition between gaming operators to maintain market share and increase profits if possible. Each gaming industry is always thinking about introducing a new chance game within the defined parameters to increase profits, regardless of the harmful effects of itself or other gaming forms. For example, TAB is currently operating online races and online betting on the Internet and being able to continue to expand sports betting. TAB has not been allowed to run a gaming machine at a tab shop (the gaming machine installed in a tab shop was owned by a community trust), and could not be operated in a casino. However, in the new gambling method, tabs can operate in both areas.

New chance games may be introduced in New Zealand without ful l-scale consultation with Maori and the general public or as new social risk. In the future, under responsible gambling, the Ministry of Home Affairs, the government's main advisor to gambling, will approve and regulate gambling of all forms except for casinos (Labor Party and Alliance Government 2002).

Since the new law replaces existing gambling regulations, the gambling industry can develop new products without having to consult with the general public or consider the impact of new products. For example, the New Zealand Lotteries Commission reported that the funds that could be distributed through the Lotteries Grants Board in 2002/03). In the second half Compared to the funds that the committee has put into the subsidy committee, it is definitely decreasing). The organization was also reorganized to focus on Auckland, which is known to be an important consumer of the New Zealand Committee. However, there is no indication of how the Witangi Treaty is recognized in new product development and income distribution, and how the Maori tribes will benefit from the distribution of the committee.

The New Zealand lottery committee can earn a lot of income from new products. For example, in 2001, the institution announced that the new product, powerball sales, had exceeded $ 32 million in several months. As a result of this new game, the lottery subsidy council has escaped the reduction of subsidies to designated organizations, which are required to provide a certain level of subsidies.

Power balls may be considered a plus for some major stakeholders, such as organizations that greatly depend on game funds, but Social Lands bet 32 ​​million dollars in a short period of time. ・ No opportunity costs are considered. The New Zealand Lotto Committee realizes his dreams with lots of lots and other gambling, and is captivated by the myth that life changes overnight if lucky, and many families who can't afford to gamble regularly. It is highly likely that we are planning to introduce a new gambling product to be robbed.

If gambling is appropriately approved and regulated, all new products are considered dangerous and need to be managed by independent institutions like the Environmental Risk Management Bureau. Consumer to restrict sales at supermarkets, restrict advertising by advertising, inform the winning rate, seek tax deduction from gambling as donations to charitable organizations, just as the government is regarded as the interests of the local community. Protection measures such as encouraging to be imposed by such institutions.

Gambling costs and profits in New Zealand need continuous study, analysis, and investigations, and should be considered in connection with the entire social economic policy in New Zealand. In Canada, it is known that lo w-income households generally spend more money on gambling than mediu m-income households and hig h-income households, and regular purchase of lottery supported by the government depends on tax revenues. It has been pointed out that it should be considered as a reverse tax (Korn 2000). A similar pattern is seen in New Zealand, and low and mediu m-income households are spending regularly on gambling, especially the lottery lottery products of the New Zealand lottery committee (abbott and volberg 2000; Department of Internal Affairs 2001b). < SPAN> The New Zealand lottery committee can earn a lot from new products. For example, in 2001, the institution announced that the new product, powerball sales, had exceeded $ 32 million in several months. As a result of this new game, the lottery subsidy council has escaped the reduction of subsidies to designated organizations, which are required to provide a certain level of subsidies.

Power balls may be considered a plus for some major stakeholders, such as organizations that greatly depend on game funds, but Social Lands bet 32 ​​million dollars in a short period of time. ・ No opportunity costs are considered. The New Zealand Lotto Committee realizes his dreams with lots of lots and other gambling, and is captivated by the myth that life changes overnight if lucky, and many families who can't afford to gamble regularly. It is highly likely that we are planning to introduce a new gambling product to be robbed.

If gambling is appropriately approved and regulated, all new products are considered dangerous and need to be managed by independent institutions like the Environmental Risk Management Bureau. Consumer to restrict sales at supermarkets, restrict advertising by advertising, inform the winning rate, seek tax deduction from gambling as donations to charitable organizations, just as the government is regarded as the interests of the local community. Protection measures such as encouraging to be imposed by such institutions.

Gambling costs and profits in New Zealand need continuous study, analysis, and investigations, and should be considered in connection with the entire social economic policy in New Zealand. In Canada, it is known that lo w-income households generally spend more money on gambling than mediu m-income households and hig h-income households, and regular purchase of lottery supported by the government depends on tax revenues. It has been pointed out that it should be considered as a reverse tax (Korn 2000). A similar pattern is seen in New Zealand, and low and mediu m-income households are spending regularly on gambling, especially the lottery lottery products of the New Zealand lottery committee (abbott and volberg 2000; Department of Internal Affairs 2001b). The New Zealand lottery committee can earn a lot of income from new products. For example, in 2001, the institution announced that the new product, powerball sales, had exceeded $ 32 million in several months. As a result of this new game, the lottery subsidy council has escaped the reduction of subsidies to designated organizations, which are required to provide a certain level of subsidies.

Power balls may be considered a plus for some major stakeholders, such as organizations that greatly depend on game funds, but Social Lands bet 32 ​​million dollars in a short period of time. ・ No opportunity costs are considered. The New Zealand Lotto Committee realizes his dreams with lots of lots and other gambling, and is captivated by the myth that life changes overnight if lucky, and many families who can't afford to gamble regularly. It is highly likely that we are planning to introduce a new gambling product to be robbed.

If gambling is appropriately approved and regulated, all new products are considered dangerous and need to be managed by independent institutions like the Environmental Risk Management Bureau. Consumer to restrict sales at supermarkets, limit advertising by advertising, inform the winning rate, and ask for tax deductions from gambling as donations to charitable organizations, as the government is regarded as the interests of the local community. Protection measures such as encouraging to be imposed by such institutions.

Gambling costs and profits in New Zealand need continuous study, analysis, and investigations, and should be considered in connection with the entire social economic policy in New Zealand. In Canada, it is known that lo w-income households generally spend more money on gambling than mediu m-income households and hig h-income households, and regular purchase of lottery supported by the government depends on tax revenues. It has been pointed out that it should be considered as a reverse tax (Korn 2000). A similar pattern is seen in New Zealand, and low and middl e-income households are spending regularly on gambling, especially the lottery products of the New Zealand lottery committee (abbott and volberg 2000; Department of Internal Affairs 2001b).

Gambling should now be considered a social hazard in New Zealand. The Hazardous Substances and New Organisms Act 1996, currently in force in New Zealand, provides a model for considering how new and current social risks such as gambling should be considered, reviewed and managed within a legal framework. Any new legislation promoting responsible gambling should have clear objectives and guiding principles that are people-focused; namely, their wellbeing and the wellbeing of future generations, sustainability, self-sufficiency, protection of Māori and their cultural wellbeing, recognition of the Treaty of Waitangi, and active participation and engagement of communities and diverse groups in determining the role, place and scale of gambling in New Zealand society.

Gambling is a complex public policy and health issue that requires broad discussion and participation from all sectors of the community. Decisions made today will affect the health and wellbeing of people tomorrow.

Abbott, M. (2001) What Do We Know about Gambling and Problem Gambling in New Zeal and, Department of Internal Affairs, Wellington. Abbott, M. and B. McKenna (2000) Gambling and problem gambling among recently convicted women prisoners in New Zealand, Report No. 4, New Zealand Gambling Survey, Department of Home Affairs, Wellington. Abbott, M., B. McKenna and L. Giles (2000) Gambling and problem gambling among recently convicted female prisoners in four New Zealand prisons, Report No. 5, New Zealand Gaming Survey, Department of Internal Affairs, Wellington. Abbott, M. and R. A. Volberg (1984) ``Gambling and pathological gambling in New Zealand'' Community Mental Health in New Zealand, 9(2):22-31. Abbott, M. and R. Volberg (1996) ``The New Zealand National Survey of Problem and "Pathological Gambling" Journal of Gambling Studies, 12(2):143-159. Abbott, M. and R. Volberg (2000) Taking the Pulse on Problem Gambling and Problem Gambling in New Zealand: A Report on the Phase One of the New Zealand Gaming Survey , Department of Internal Affairs, Wellington. Anders, G. (1996) "Native American Casino Gambling in Arizona: A case study of the Fort McDowell Reservation" Journal of Gambling Studies, 12( 3):253-267. Arnold, P. (1978) The Encyclopedia of Gambling: the Games, the Odds, the Techniques, the People and Places, the Myths and History, Collins Publishers, Glasgow. Ayers, K. (1998) 'Games proceeds and sports club beneficiaries' New Zealand Law Journal, (February):63-65.

Bale, D. W. (1992) 「Lotteries, Gaming and Public Policy」 Lotteries Commission seminar, Wellington, 17 March.

Bayly, B. (1999) 「Monitoring the social impact of the Psychology Department at Sky City Casino」, Waikato University, Hamilton.

The Compulsive Gambling Society of NZ (1998) 「Ta te iwi Maori Hei Arai Atu I Nga Mate Petipeti: Maori Action Against Proballing Gambling Resource Kit」, Commission on Gaming Management, Auckland.

Cozzetto, D. A. and B. W. LAROCQUE (1996) 「Complementary gambling in the Indian community: a North Dakota case study」 American Indian Culture & amp; amp? Research Journal, 20 (1): 73-86.

Department of the Interior (1996) "Gaming： A new direction for the New Zealand Department of Home Affairs' Wellington.

(2001a) Gambling Reform in New Zealand： Towards a new legislation framework, Department of Home Affairs, Wellington.

Footnotes

Department of Home Affairs (2001b) People's participation and gambling attitudes 1985-2000: final results of the 2000 survey, Department of Home Affairs, Wellington.

Department of Home Affairs (2002) 「Information Officer for the Gambling Bill: Summary of the Bill」 Available at www. dia. govt. nz.

Department of Home Affairs (2003) 'Gambling Statistics 1979 - 2003' Available at www. dia. govt. nz.