Post-Colonial Macau hope and despair in a World Centre of Tourism and Leisure

Post-Colonial Macau: hope and despair in a World Centre of Tourism and Leisure

Macau, a special administrative district of the People's Republic of China, is the only place in China that adults can legally gamble at a casino. The paper claims that a fictitious category of the World Sightseeing Leisure Center created by local authorities, based on interviews with local residents, is covering an illegal occult economy. The paper claims that the miraculous growth speed of GDP, employment, and financial surplus per capital is the result of a new elite after colonial rule, looking back on the past of colonial rule. This paper is an important heggmony project that traps citizens in a hybrid world of simulation and control of citizens, but at the expense of everyday gossip, attention, and sel f-censorship. I claim that there is. And discouraged.

Entrées d’index

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Notes de l’auteur

Cooperation: Dr. Choi Jae Young

Texte intégral

1. Macau, located in the estuary of Jue Delta, west of Hong Kong, and borders with Guangdong Province in the north, was transferred from Portugal to China in December 1999 and became a special administrative district of the People's Republic of China (PRC). 。 Under the "Ichikuni Two System" model established by the Portuguese joint declaration in 1987, Macau has a constitution known as a basic law, except for diplomacy and national defense, and is highly advanced until 2049, which is fully dominated by China. It is stipulated that it will maintain autonomy. Prior to the return of Macau, the manufacturing industry was a major industry in Macau, 37. 8 % of Macau's Gross Production (GNP) in 1988, with factory production of toys, footwear, artificial flowers, senbei, matches, sticks, and textiles, and employment. Macau has a fiber and clothing production base in Macau because the allocation of the World Trade Organization (WTO), which occupies a percentage (Sit et al.) Multi Fiber Arrangement (1974-2005), has been completed. Hong Kong businessmen withdrew to lower cost areas, leading to the decline of the industry.

2 Manufacturing exports and employment are largely quota dependent, so when Macau’s textile and clothing quota was lifted, the sector declined. Its contribution to gross domestic product (GDP) fell to less than 1%, and in 2011 it employed just 3. 4% of the workforce (Mieiro et al., 2012). Unemployment rose from 1. 5% in 1989 to a record high of 7. 1% in the second quarter of 2000. Efforts by the colonial authorities to develop external economic relations had failed, and the fledgling SAR entered independence at a clear structural disadvantage compared to its sister SAR, Hong Kong, which had a deep-sea port and a larger population. By 1999, less than 10% of Macau’s employed population had tertiary qualifications, and with no arable land, pasture or forest in its 28. 2 square kilometres, Macau was in crisis. However, by 2003, Macau had achieved a large budget surplus and strong GDP growth, accelerating to 27. 5% in 2010. Macau's GDP per capita was 13. In 2000, it was 13. In 2016, it was 73. Tourist arrivals increased from 7. 44 million in 1999 (1. 63 million from the mainland) to 1. 63 million from the mainland (28 million mainland visitors). By 2020, Macau's GDP per capita is about 143. According to the IMF, Macau's GDP per capita is about 143. This makes Macau the place with the highest GDP per capita in the world on a purchasing power parity basis. With zero public debt, sound fiscal reserves, and low unemployment (1. 9% in 2018), it is a “miraculous” turnaround for a small Portuguese colony.

3) In this "miracle", Edmond Ho, the first MSAR's highest executive officer (CE), supports Beijing in December 2000 against "New Liberal Casino Disaster Countermeasures" (LIU, 2008). It happened after installation. The colonial authorities legalized gambling in 1847, and at the time, small and unregistered casinos were widespread, but industries were not developed sufficiently due to the restrictions on departure from mainland China. Ta. The ratio of gambling in Macau's GDP in 1999 was less than 26 % (HO, 2005), and the total income was $ 1. 6 billion. Macau authorities expanded the number of gaming licenses in 2002 and gave three concessions and three subconstructions through the gaming bidding committee (Simpson, 2018). As a result, SOCIEDADE DE JOGOS DE MACAU (SJM), Galaxy Casino, S. A. Beijing has introduced a "personal visit scheme" (IVS) by the Economic Cooperation Agreement (CEPA), which was signed on October 17, 2003, and currently visits a resident of 49 cities in Macau by personal qualification. I admit. 3 This "miracle" is Edmond Ho, the first highest executive officer of MSAR, but in December 2000, "New Liberal Casino Disaster Countermeasures" (LIU, 2008). It happened after the support of. The colonial authorities legalized gambling in 1847, and at the time, small and unregistered casinos were widespread, but industries were not developed sufficiently due to the restrictions on departure from mainland China. Ta. The ratio of gambling in Macau's GDP in 1999 was less than 26 % (HO, 2005), and the total income was $ 1. 6 billion. Macau authorities expanded the number of gaming licenses in 2002 and gave three concessions and three subconstructions through the gaming bidding committee (Simpson, 2018). As a result, SOCIEDADE DE JOGOS DE MACAU (SJM), Galaxy Casino, S. A. Beijing has introduced a "personal visit scheme" (IVS) by the Economic Cooperation Agreement (CEPA), which was signed on October 17, 2003, and currently visits a resident of 49 cities in Macau by personal qualification. I admit. 3) In this "miracle", Edmond Ho, the first MSAR's highest executive officer (CE), supports Beijing in December 2000 against "New Liberal Casino Disaster Countermeasures" (LIU, 2008). It happened after installation. The colonial authorities legalized gambling in 1847, and at the time, small and unregistered casinos were widespread, but industries were not developed sufficiently due to the restrictions on departure from mainland China. Ta. The ratio of gambling in Macau's GDP in 1999 was less than 26 % (HO, 2005), and the total income was $ 1. 6 billion. Macau authorities expanded the number of gaming licenses in 2002 and gave three concessions and three subconstructions through the gaming bidding committee (Simpson, 2018). As a result, SOCIEDADE DE JOGOS DE MACAU (SJM), Galaxy Casino, S. A. Beijing has introduced a "personal visit scheme" (IVS) by the Economic Cooperation Agreement (CEPA), which was signed on October 17, 2003, and currently visits a resident of 49 cities in Macau by personal qualification. I admit.

4 In order to investigate the quality of life experiences and life at the “Global Center of Tourism and Leisure”, a detailed sem i-construction interview was conducted from October 2014 to May 2015 for local residents (n = 22). did. Residents were born in Macau, grew up in Macau, and lived in Macau. In order to conduct an interview with residents in Cantonese, the cord was hired and trained with two graduate students in sightseeing and hotel management. The interview was translated into English and was confirmed through three reverse translations. The interviewer was instructed not to interpret it during the interview. In order to collect deeper data, he urged interviewees to talk about their life in Macau. All interviews were recorded digital (audio) with the permission of the respondents. The respondents asked their rights, powerful business elite, political elite, and abnormal material, social, and spatial conditions in Macau. Obviously, not obviously not "local", not "global", but in the challenge of COMAROFF AND COMAROFF (1999; 2003) researchers, such as investigating on an intermediate scale "uncomfortable scale". This theme was developed by the authors into anthropological research on the relationship between Macau's history, colonization, and sel f-proclaimed image as a global center of sightseeing and leisure. In this paper, it uses the "hidden economy", a postcolonial paradigm of Komarov and Komarov, instead of the theme analysis of the interviewees. The "hidden economy" is defined as "the charm of gaining wealth from nothing" (Komarov and Komarov, 2000, page 313). Komarov and Komarov define such an "economy" as "a collection of wealth by relying on mysterious technology, which is neither transparent or can be explained in conventional terms." "(P. 297). 4 To investigate the quality of life experiences and life at the" Global Center for Tourism and Leisure ", local residents (n = 22) from October 2014 to May 2015. We conducted a detailed interview interview with the target. Residents were born in Macau, grew up in Macau, and lived in Macau. In order to conduct an interview with residents in Cantonese, the cord was hired and trained with two graduate students in sightseeing and hotel management. The interview was translated into English and was confirmed through three reverse translations. The interviewer was instructed not to interpret it during the interview. In order to collect deeper data, he urged interviewees to talk about their life in Macau. All interviews were recorded digital (audio) with the permission of the respondents. The respondents asked their rights, powerful business elite, political elite, and abnormal material, social, and spatial conditions in Macau. Obviously, not obviously not "local", not "global", but in the challenge of COMAROFF AND COMAROFF (1999; 2003) researchers, such as investigating on an intermediate scale "uncomfortable scale". This theme was developed by the authors into anthropological research on the relationship between Macau's history, colonization, and sel f-proclaimed image as a global center of sightseeing and leisure. In this paper, it uses the "hidden economy", a postcolonial paradigm of Komarov and Komarov, instead of the theme analysis of the interviewees. The "hidden economy" is defined as "the charm of gaining wealth from nothing" (Komarov and Komarov, 2000, page 313). Komarov and Komarov define such an "economy" as "a collection of wealth by relying on mysterious technology, which is neither transparent or can be explained in conventional terms." "(P. 297) . 4 In order to investigate the quality of life experiences and life at" Global Center for Tourism and Leisure ", the details of local residents (N = 22) from October 2014 to May 2015. A sem i-structured interview was conducted. Residents were born in Macau, grew up in Macau, and lived in Macau. In order to conduct an interview with residents in Cantonese, the cord was hired and trained with two graduate students in sightseeing and hotel management. The interview was translated into English and was confirmed through three reverse translations. The interviewer was instructed not to interpret it during the interview. In order to collect deeper data, he urged interviewees to talk about their life in Macau. All interviews were recorded digital (audio) with the permission of the respondents. The respondents asked their rights, powerful business elite, political elite, and abnormal material, social, and spatial conditions in Macau. Obviously, not obviously not "local", not "global", but in the challenge of COMAROFF AND COMAROFF (1999; 2003) researchers, such as investigating on an intermediate scale "uncomfortable scale". This theme was developed by the authors into anthropological research on the relationship between Macau's history, colonization, and sel f-proclaimed image as a global center of sightseeing and leisure. In this paper, it uses the "hidden economy", a postcolonial paradigm of Komarov and Komarov, instead of the theme analysis of the interviewees. The "hidden economy" is defined as "the charm of gaining wealth from nothing" (Komarov and Komarov, 2000, page 313). Komarov and Komarov define such an "economy" as "a collection of wealth by relying on mysterious technology, which is neither transparent or can be explained in conventional terms." "(P. 297).

FICO Explains that Macau has transformed into a global tourism and leisure center from colonial areas, which has broken a reasonable relationship between means and purposes. This paper exceeds the discourse that understands tourism and tourism development in Asia as a catalyst for further economic development, or as a means of checking legitimacy (Burns, 2008). 。 We are very ambiguous by the occult economics paradigm providing an interpretation framework and focusing on the wealthy and powerful people (NADER, 1972), not the people who are poverty or helpless (NADER, 1972). He claims that the term, a term, can understand how the only background of its success has been assembled by the powerful people. In this approach, it is necessary to study "the culture of power, not the culture of colonists, but the powerless," (nader, 1972, p. 289). 289) was "economic development" why the government, company, decisio n-making, and social economic policies could not compete in the conventional market when they tried to meet the needs of citizens. On the contrary, "common sense" was introduced as a barometer, and why the category called "Social Development" was introduced as a barometer of "Social Development". I'm asking a question.

I. Colonial Legacies

6. As well as many colonial cities and regions, which have a trad e-oriented history that incorporates the consumer logic of the market principle, the fraudulent accumulation overwhelms the pos t-colonial countries, and "be lively under the slow pace. It may spur the Comaloff and Comaroff, 1999, P. 285. Komarov and Komarov (2000, P. 310) described such an economy as "a form of speculative speculation based on a rational connection between means and purpose." They argue that such an economy can attract the entire people who have been fascinated by the accumulation of "wealth without production, without effort" (p. 313-314). This concept was used to explain the luxury of oil from Nigeria (APTER, 2005), Hait (James, 2012), Ireland (COEN AND MAGUIRE, 2012), and 1980s Mexico (CAHN, 2008). I started.

7 From enabling entrepreneurial Chinese immigrants to survive on the margins of a discriminatory racial capitalist order (Louw, 2019) to the link between corpses in South African casino freezers and wealth creation (Comaroff and Comaroff, 2002b), casinos have long been associated with illicit accumulation. The explanation for why Macau must rely on the expansion of casino interests and illicit accumulation as a “magic bullet” reflects the specific historical colonial experience. Under Portuguese rule, and the legacy of Portuguese colonialism itself, the colonial period was plagued by arson, assassinations, opportunistic theft, and shootouts between rival gangs, creating an ambiguous mix of “possibility and impossibility, desire and despair” (Gluckman, 1963, pp. 3-4). Macau was not in absolute poverty or material distress, but there were many voices of concern about the deterioration of social order (Hing, 2005). The authorities had limited autonomy over traditional associations and powerful STDM groups in Beijing that emerged from the Cultural Revolution, and in many ways effectively lost control (Chou, 2013). Macau also suffered an economic downturn in the wake of the 1997-1998 Asian Financial Crisis, with real GDP declining for four consecutive years by 1999.

8 Historically, Macau authorities have resorted to methods that cannot be explained in conventional terms to replenish depleted financial resources. Unconventional get-rich-quick schemes often emerged during transitional or opportunistic periods. The Tokugawa Shogunate's policies in 1640 ended trade with Japan, while the loss of Malacca to the Dutch in 1641 ended Macau-Goa (India) trade. The end of the Dual Monarchy in the Iberian Peninsula in 1668 ended Macau-Manila trade, and after the Qing government's British-led cession of Macau in 1842, Hong Kong emerged as the main trading port, while Macau became a sideline. During these turbulent times, the authorities encouraged gambling, prostitution, mercenaries, arms sales, human trafficking, as well as the opium and "official servant" trades (Pinheiro, 2002). When Hong Kong banned gambling in 1870, as Guangdong did in 1911 (Ho, 2005), Macau encouraged gambling to attract new businesses and players. Foreign opium, first imported from Goa by the Portuguese in the early 18th century, was banned in China in 1796, resulting in Macau becoming a transshipment point for opium smugglers, with merchants and locals participating and profiting (Garrett, 2010; Puga, 2013). After the British ceased involvement in the coolie trade from China in 1854, the trade shifted to Macau (Meagher, 2008). It was abolished

1 Macau junket operators work with casinos to arrange transportation and hospitality to attract VIP players ( ).

9 Though often not directly involved, colonial authorities after 1846 fostered these activities by rapidly opening up and taxing intangible flows of goods, people, services and information that “produced enormous wealth and power without ordinary labor, against all odds, with supernatural speed and spectacular ingenuity” (Comaroff and Comaroff, 1999, p. 284). These loosely regulated activities served the interests of local authorities, foreign merchants, triads and local elites, but excluded the majority of Chinese citizens from economic, social and political integration (Cheng, 1999; Clayton, 2010). The choice to liberalize the market through casino concessions was punished by domestic elites and the Beijing-backed regime. Macau found itself in a “contentious” economic situation following the decline of the former colonial administration, and the new administration of the Special Administrative Region redefined Macau as a free port, a separate customs zone without exchange controls, and a “Mecca” for mainland gamblers. This decision addressed the malformations of a postwar economy, such as the difficulty of establishing normal market forces and soliciting multinational investment amid a local real estate crash and regional economic crisis (Zheng and Wan, 2014), but Macau became a “mecca” for mainland gamblers. 9 Though often not directly involved, colonial authorities after 1846 fostered these activities by rapidly opening up and taxing intangible flows of goods, people, services, and information, “creating enormous wealth and power without ordinary labor, against all odds, with supernatural speed, and with spectacular ingenuity” (Comaroff and Comaroff, 1999, p. 284). These loosely regulated activities served the interests of local authorities, foreign merchants, triads, and local elites, but excluded the majority of Chinese citizens from economic, social, and political integration (Cheng, 1999; Clayton, 2010). The choice to liberalize the market through casino concessions was punished by domestic elites and the Beijing-backed establishment, as Macau found itself in a “contentious” economic situation following the decline of the former colonial administration, and the new administration of the Special Administrative Region redefined Macau as a free port, a separate customs zone with no exchange controls, and a “Mecca” for mainland gamblers. The decision addressed the malformations inherent to a postwar economy, such as the difficulty of establishing normal market forces and attracting multinational investment amid a local real estate crash and regional economic crisis (Zheng and Wan, 2014), but Macau became: 9 Though often not directly involved, colonial authorities after 1846 fostered these activities by rapidly opening up and taxing intangible flows of goods, people, services and information that “produced enormous wealth and power without ordinary labor, against all odds, with supernatural speed and spectacular ingenuity” (Comaroff and Comaroff, 1999, p. 284). These loosely regulated activities served the interests of local authorities, foreign merchants, triads and local elites, but excluded the majority of Chinese citizens from economic, social and political integration (Cheng, 1999; Clayton, 2010). The choice to liberalize the market through casino concessions was punished by domestic elites and the Beijing-backed regime. Macau found itself in a "contentious" economic situation following the decline of the former colonial administration, and the new administration of the Special Administrative Region redefined Macau as a free port, a separate customs zone without exchange controls, and a "mecca" for mainland gamblers. This decision addressed the quirks of a postwar economy, such as the difficulty of establishing normal market forces and attracting multinational investment amid a local real estate crash and regional economic crisis (Zheng and Wan, 2014).

It is an activity that has been prohibited on the mainland since 1949.

II. Governance and Civil Society in a Tourism Destination

10. From 10 local communities, strong family and ethnic bonds, from the work that was rooted in the place and the culture that should have been dedicated to the place in the “conservative values of diligent and reliability” (SIT et al 1991, p. 85). Seasonal changes occurred in "COMAROFF AND COMAROF, 2000, P. 293)" composition between production and consumption, and eventually the capital ". As the government cannot control the rapid inflow and outflow through the deregulated economy, Macau's landscape, social structure, leisure, employment conditions, universities, corporate structures, and daily life are r e-formed, Produced, created and commercialized (Blackburn Cohen, 2019; Hall et al., 2017?

11 While governments around the world often try to gain profits from gambling income (Leiper, 1989), Macau has incorporated gambling into the center of both the physical and physical financial. The total income in 2018 reached $ 38 billion, and the direct and indirect dependence on casin o-related activities with gaming taxes and taxes is almost the only way to meet Macau's financial resources. Although only six licenses have been issued for 25 years, Fitch rating in 2012 estimates that Macau has gained 87. 7 % of GDP from gaming (and related activities such as hotels). It also depends on this sector for 85 % of the financial revenue. According to the 2010 Tourist satellite accounting survey, gambling depends significantly to tourists from mainland, which accounts for about 70 % of tourists. Approximately 97, 3%of the gambling industry income was by tourists, and 84%of the amount used by tourists in Macau was used for gambling (Bland, 2015). According to the Macau Statistical Census (DSEC), the game industry accounts for 75, 8 % of Macau's employment in 2015. This is a prohibited activity since 1949.

III. Anxiety, Suspicion and Insecurity in a Tourism Destination

12 The civil society has been weakened (LIU, 2008) without any serious initiatives to reflect on the econom y-dependent economy. The 1. 720 civil society that existed in 1999 was introduced to government functions after returning, including the profits of the pr o-North and north, on behalf of a variety of interests. Edmond Ho, the leader of the local business community and the leader of the local parent group group before the delivery, became the first CE (CHOI, 2008). The number of unions is by 2011, 5. Most groups, such as the Macau Labor Union Federation, the Macau Neighborhood Association, the Macau Women's Association, the Macau Chinese Student Association, and the Macau Volunteer General Association, the Macau Foundation managed by the government. He is receiving funding through. The Fund has been functioning as a distribution place distributed by the US $ 284. 5 million in 2018, ensuring the share of civil society (Chou, 2012). Sel f-censorship is widespread, fearing that advertisements from the SAR department and casino industry will be lost (SU, 2017) (SU, 2017), fearing that media reports related to the game itself or their drawbacks will be described. 12 Civil society is weakened (LIU, 2008) without any serious initiatives to reflect on the economy. The 1. 720 civil society that existed in 1999 was introduced to government functions after returning, including the profits of the pr o-North and north, on behalf of a variety of interests. Edmond Ho, the leader of the local business community and the leader of the local parent group group before the delivery, became the first CE (CHOI, 2008). The number of unions is by 2011, 5. Most groups, such as the Macau Labor Union Federation, the Macau Neighborhood Association, the Macau Women's Association, the Macau Chinese Student Association, and the Macau Volunteer General Association, the Macau Foundation managed by the government. He is receiving funding through. The Fund has been functioning as a distribution place distributed by the US $ 284. 5 million in 2018, ensuring the share of civil society (Chou, 2012). Sel f-censorship is widespread, fearing that advertisements from the SAR department and casino industry will be lost (SU, 2017) (SU, 2017), fearing that media reports related to the game itself or their drawbacks will be described. 12 The civil society has been weakened (LIU, 2008) without any serious initiatives to reflect on the econom y-dependent economy. The 1. 720 civil society that existed in 1999 was introduced to government functions after returning, including the profits of the pr o-North and north, on behalf of a variety of interests. Edmond Ho, the leader of the local business community and the leader of the local parent group group before the delivery, became the first CE (CHOI, 2008). The number of unions is by 2011, 5. Most groups, such as the Macau Labor Union Federation, the Macau Neighborhood Association, the Macau Women's Association, the Macau Chinese Student Association, and the Macau Volunteer General Association, the Macau Foundation managed by the government. He is receiving funding through. The Fund has been functioning as a distribution place distributed by the US $ 284. 5 million in 2018, ensuring the share of civil society (Chou, 2012). Sel f-censorship is widespread, fearing that advertisements from the SAR department and casino industry will be lost (SU, 2017) (SU, 2017), fearing that media reports related to the game itself or their drawbacks will be described.

13 The opaqueness of bureaucratic practices in Macau (James, 2012; Press, 2007) is an obstacle to the promotion of civil society and therefore good governance. From secret land deals for casino resorts, government procurement issues, the use of tax incentives, and allocations and subsidies to important individuals and groups, the ability of residents to challenge the government and political system is severely limited due to the election/appointment system and the political system based on the nexus of businessmen, Legislative Council (LA) members, and government officials. Consensus is usually negotiated between the government, local elites, and Beijing. The government is run by secretaries, the first of whom is appointed by the Central People's Government in Beijing, and the second by the central government through a 300-person elected committee composed of casino bosses such as Pansy Ho of MGM and Francis Lui of Galaxy, business leaders, labor unions, and other groups. The Legislative Council (LA) is made up of 33 members, consisting of 14 directly elected members, 12 indirectly elected members representing functional districts, and 7 members appointed by the Chief Executive (CE). Macau's Basic Law does not provide for universal suffrage or direct election of the Legislative Council and the Chief Executive.

14 While casinos offer opportunities, they also increase uncertainty, suspicion, resentment, and identity anxiety in Macau, leaving informants feeling left out of the promise of a better life and anxious about the future. John, 40, worries about whether mainland authorities will continue to support gambling in the future. "All I can predict is that Macau will maintain its dominance for the next five years, but after that we really don't know. We just have to wait for the central government's decision." Jennifer, 32, also argued that "if mainland China puts more effort into eradicating corruption in Macau, there will be fewer tourists to Macau. . Foreign companies will withdraw from Macau." Jane, 32, like others, hopes that “other industries will emerge that can help strike this balance.”

15 Gambling addiction undermines the value of productivity and rational accumulation, and increases anxiety about the production and reproduction of wealth in a society that is a “strange mix of modernity and postmodernity, of hope and despair, of usefulness and futility, of promise and its perversion” (Comaroff and Comaroff, 1999, p. 283). There is a widespread sense of “false value, of surplus accumulated without proper production” (Comaroff and Comaroff, 1999, p. 281), and there is reproach, jealousy and envy towards “those who enrich themselves in non-traditional ways” (Comaroff and Comaroff, 2000, p. 316) while pursuing new magical means to achieve otherwise unattainable ends.

16 The occult economy “offers vast, almost instant wealth to those who possess the mysterious technology, while at the same time threatening the very existence of those who do not” (Comaroff and Comaroff, 1999, p. 298). Such sentiments thrive in areas addicted to gambling, where “the possibilities for quick gains, for accumulating wealth in almost invisible ways, are always at hand” (Comaroff and Comaroff, 1999, p. 293). Despite numerous surveys, statistics and reports conducted by government agencies, information on the most important factors and decisions in Macau is scarce. From the rumored artificial intelligence and digital technologies that track the riskiest gamblers, to the pawnbrokers that help mainland Chinese smuggle assets across the border (Varese et al., 2019), to the substantial shareholders behind some casino conglomerates, to the junket operators backed by Asian organized crime syndicates (Lo and Kwok, 2017), behind the global tourism and leisure center (McKenzie et al., 2019) lies a mysterious, invisible and unseen world that creates and enhances real wealth for the few (West and Sanders, 2003). Feeling disempowered and disadvantaged, residents fight back and try to understand through gossip, superstition, paranoia, conspiracies, rumors, and jealousy.

IV. Divine Aid and Cycles of Instability

17 Most of the stories and rumors are about uncertainty, scarcity and danger in a society where invisible forces sometimes produce visible results. Stories abound of businessmen who “disappeared” from China via Macau with millions of dollars, of neighbors running illegal inns for players, underground banks, foreign spies and illegally detaining players (to repay loans). Stories of “gambling gods” like Sheldon Adelson (Sands) and Lui Che Woo (Galaxy Entertainment) owning casinos are commonplace, many of whom are considered to have extraordinary powers due to their nefarious connections to officials and organized crime (LO, 2005). As none of the major casino players live in Macau and casino shares are traded in Hong Kong and the United States, casino barons are relegated to the fringes of the world economy, often avoiding its costs and most sanctions and scrutiny. It is often their staff under threat who, while accused of a range of acts, escape serious criminal prosecution ( Lintner, 2016 ; McKenzie et al., 2019 ). Similarly, those who help mainland gamblers circumvent strict currency export controls and those who run the houses in casinos (Fraser, 2019) remain part of everyday life (Pomfret, 2014, W

18 Everyday gossip includes issues related to the unequal distribution of resources such as wealth, jobs, and infrastructure, as well as social resources such as health services, education, transportation, and housing. For every story of residents and gamblers who have become millionaires (or lost everything) through gambling programs and casinos, there is another story of inequality, injustice, corruption, and violence caused by gambling. Integrated casino resorts are being rapidly built, reinforcing social and spatial inequalities. Even "magical lodging" is not enough, while public infrastructure has not kept up with the land. Initiatives such as Macau's mass transit system (LRT), several public housing projects, and a second public hospital have been repeatedly postponed or overcosted. Instead of acting as a provider of infrastructure services, the government has prioritized space for players. A 20km light rail transit system first proposed by the SAR government in 2003 was partially completed in 2019, but it would mainly serve the casinos of the Cotai Strip and bypass low-income areas. Jennifer, 32, points out that “the LRT is convenient for tourists, but it’s not for residents.”

V. Tourism and the Hyperreal

19 The population in 2018 is 632. 418 (increased from 430. 000 in 1999), the working population is less than 400. 000, the labor market and employment contracts are destroyed, and "skilled workers" such as shipbuilding workers are "skilled workers". In order to provide more no n-adapted workers in the tourist sector, it has been replaced by lo w-skilled immature workers. There is no universal associations, no collective negotiations, no protection from the blacklist registration and exclusion of workers who have caused a strike, and no formal wage. 40 % of secondary education students have repeatedly repeated a year (Oced, 2011), and local teenagers have stopped studying due to the temptation of a generous startup package in the casino. This means that skilled teachers, nurses, engineers, and doctors are significantly deficient. The unemployment rate is low and there is an assignment system for local residents, so workers may feel that they can be controlled, but most of the workers are different from the casino group because of the lack of a variety of economies. Just move to. John (40 years old) claimed that "gambling companies have similar management philosophy and values," and as a result, they lost their health and youth. He pointed out that smoking and work at night are really harmful to me.

2 Special banknotes are printed by the Macau Finance Management Bureau (AMCM), but the residents (.) 19 have a population of 632. 418 (increased from 430. 000 in 1999), and the working population is 400. 000. The labor market and employment contract conditions are destroyed, and "skilled workers" such as shipbuilding workers are replaced by lo w-skilled immature workers to provide more no n-adapted workers in the tourist sector. It is being. There is no universal associations, no collective negotiations, no protection from the blacklist registration and exclusion of workers who have caused a strike, and no formal wage. 40 % of secondary education students have repeatedly repeated a year (Oced, 2011), and local teenagers have stopped studying due to the temptation of a generous startup package in the casino. This means that skilled teachers, nurses, engineers, and doctors are significantly deficient. The unemployment rate is low and there is an assignment system for local residents, so workers may feel that they can be controlled, but most of the workers are different from the casino group because of the lack of a variety of economies. Just move to. John (40 years old) claimed that "gambling companies have similar management philosophy and values," and as a result, they lost their health and youth. He pointed out that smoking and work at night are really harmful to me.

2 Special banknotes are printed by the Macau Finance Management Bureau (AMCM), but residents (.) 19 The population of 2018 (increased from 430. 000 in 1999) and the working population is less than 400. 000. The market and employment contracts are destroyed, and "skilled workers" like shipbuilding workers have been replaced by inexperienced workers with low skill levels to provide more no n-adaptable workers in the tourism department. 。 There is no universal associations, no collective negotiations, no protection from the blacklist registration and exclusion of workers who have caused a strike, and no formal wage. 40 % of secondary education students have repeatedly repeated a year (Oced, 2011), and local teenagers have stopped studying due to the temptation of a generous startup package in the casino. This means that skilled teachers, nurses, engineers, and doctors are significantly deficient. The unemployment rate is low and there is an assignment system for local residents, so workers may feel that they can be controlled, but most of the workers are different from the casino group because of the lack of a variety of economies. Just move to. John (40 years old) claimed that "gambling companies have similar management philosophy and values," and as a result, they lost their health and youth. He pointed out that smoking and work at night are really harmful to me.

2 Special banknotes are printed by the Macau Financial Management Bureau (AMCM), but residents (.)

20 Macau's immigration "no n-resident worker" (2018), which is greatly dependent on the casino section, is in a much more unstable position, conversion to other occupations, vacation, and compensation for labor disasters. The basic protection form has been denied. If you are unemployed, you must retire within two days if the employment period is less than one year. As LA has rejected the seventh union formula in 2019, wealthy and powerful people may have the freedom to promote their own interests, which may lead to inequality expansion (Carvalho, 2018). Citizens are being trapped in the trend of speculative due to the attractiveness, inequality, and the lack of the conventional speculation market, such as the accumulation of wealth from nothing. With no comprehensive and internal ideology, local elites were able to cultivate competitive eutos in the people seeking pleasure rewards. Many citizens have many citizens because there is no standardized curriculum approved by the government, there are few hig h-quality thir d-level educational institutions, and Macau is in a special administrative district (SAR). We are concerned that economic stability, career advancement, and even marriage are "losing" or "compression". Therefore, some citizens are spending speculation on the zodiac banknotes. 20 Macau's immigrant "no n-resident worker" (2018), which is greatly dependent on the casino section, is in a much more unstable position, shifting to other occupations, vacation, and labor. Basic protection such as compensation for disasters has been denied. If you are unemployed, you must retire within two days if the employment period is less than one year. As LA has rejected the seventh union formula in 2019, wealthy and powerful people may have the freedom to promote their own interests, which may lead to inequality expansion (Carvalho, 2018). Citizens are being trapped in the trend of speculative due to the attractiveness, inequality, and the lack of the conventional speculation market, such as the accumulation of wealth from nothing. With no comprehensive and internal ideology, local elites were able to cultivate competitive eutos in the people seeking pleasure rewards. Many citizens have many citizens because there is no standardized curriculum approved by the government, there are few hig h-quality thir d-level educational institutions, and Macau is in a special administrative district (SAR). We are concerned that economic stability, career advancement, and even marriage are "losing" or "compression". Therefore, some citizens are spending speculation on the zodiac banknotes. 20 Macau's immigration "no n-resident worker" (2018), which is greatly dependent on the casino section, is in a much more unstable position, conversion to other occupations, vacation, and compensation for labor disasters. The basic protection form has been denied. If you are unemployed, you must retire within two days if the employment period is less than one year. As LA has rejected the seventh union formula in 2019, wealthy and powerful people may have the freedom to promote their own interests, which may lead to inequality expansion (Carvalho, 2018). Citizens are being trapped in the trend of speculative due to the attractiveness, inequality, and the lack of the conventional speculation market, such as the accumulation of wealth from nothing. With no comprehensive and internal ideology, local elites were able to cultivate competitive eutos in the people seeking pleasure rewards. Many citizens have many citizens because there is no standardized curriculum approved by the government, there are few hig h-quality thir d-level educational institutions, and Macau is in a special administrative district (SAR). We are concerned that economic stability, career advancement, and even marriage are "losing" or "compression". Therefore, some citizens are spending speculation on the zodiac banknotes.

Soft welfare and compensation alone are not enough. The quality of Macau's medical care is the worst, and when you get sick, you have to go to Hong Kong and China for treatment. I have a cold, but I have a long time waiting for treatment at a public hospital. " Chris (59 years old) argues that "it takes time to make a reservation (consultation), so it is very difficult to consult a doctor."

The development of a 2 1-break kneck was "previously played a role in forming the consent of the people" (LIU, 2008, p. 23), and Macau had a problem and inconsistency in Macau. In 2006, 2007, and 2014, after a series of social protests by developers and local civil servants, the government's reliability and honesty were impaired (Lao and SIU, 2013; LIU, 2008 ) In May 2014, more than 20, 000 gatherings were held against the bill that exempted the criminal liability during the tenure. However, despite political / economic coordination, Macau has all the opposition and signs of resistance in Macau, through censorship, through new subsidies, subsidies, scholarships, and casinos for spending leisure. , The inhabitants are blessed with the blessing of God. With two demonstrations in 2007, the government announced that it would pay nearly $ 1, 000 a year to Macau's residents' ID card holders as part of the "wealth distribution system." In addition, subsidies are paid to unfair workers, teachers, students, retired civil servants, and the elderly. Casino usually provides employees with pensions for the elderly, pensioners, and elderly pensioners. Soft welfare and compensation alone are not enough. The quality of Macau's medical care is the worst, and when you get sick, you have to go to Hong Kong and China for treatment. I have a cold, but I have a long time waiting for treatment at a public hospital. " Chris (59 years old) argues that "it takes time to make a reservation (consultation), so it is very difficult to consult a doctor."

The development of a 2 1-break kneck was "previously played a role in forming the consent of the people" (LIU, 2008, p. 23), and Macau had a problem and inconsistency in Macau. In 2006, 2007, and 2014, after a series of social protests by developers and local civil servants, the government's reliability and honesty were impaired (Lao and SIU, 2013; LIU, 2008 ) In May 2014, more than 20, 000 gatherings were held against the bill that exempted the criminal liability during the tenure. However, despite political / economic coordination, Macau has all the opposition and signs of resistance in Macau, through censorship, through new subsidies, subsidies, scholarships, and casinos for spending leisure. , The inhabitants are blessed with the blessing of God. With two demonstrations in 2007, the government announced that it would pay nearly $ 1, 000 a year to Macau's residents' ID card holders as part of the "wealth distribution system." In addition, subsidies are paid to unfair workers, teachers, students, retired civil servants, and the elderly. Casino usually provides employees with pensions for the elderly, pensioners, and elderly pensioners. Soft welfare and compensation alone are not enough. The quality of Macau's medical care is the worst, and when you get sick, you have to go to Hong Kong and China for treatment. I have a cold, but I have a long time waiting for treatment at a public hospital. " Chris (59 years old) argues that "it takes time to make a reservation (consultation), so it is very difficult to consult a doctor."

Although it is 22 small amounts, it concludes the idea that such "aid of God" is a new prosperity. Autonomy, labor allocation, subsidies, subsidies, and government redistribution methods in cultural expression cannot compensate for institutional restrictions or public dissatisfaction. It draws out the "vitality" of "public", conversely, deceives political things, and at the same time, it makes ethnicity vulgar, degrading it, and creating even more magical needs "(Comaloff and Comaroff. , 2000, p. 328). The executive government (and a casino) (and a casino) is a cultural and social asset created by casinos (events, art galleries, free concerts, chil d-rearing seminars for employees, discounts for residents) "hide" net negative social impact He is trying to minimize the destructive act due to protests, the confusion of the workplace, and overcontinuation (BUHI, 2019, Strauss, 2015). It is extremely difficult to get permission, any kind of public exhibition. From public funding through the Macau Foundation to a on e-month Macau Markets Festival, and the prohibition of entry to Hong Kong, Hong Kong members, activists, and scholars, more and more focus on the protection of gambling market activities. The political system has been impaired by making the decisions. 22, although it is a small amount, it concludes the idea that such "aid of God" is a new prosperity. Autonomy, labor allocation, subsidies, subsidies, and government redistribution methods in cultural expression cannot compensate for institutional restrictions or public dissatisfaction. It draws out the "vitality" of "public", conversely, deceives political things, and at the same time, it makes ethnicity vulgar, degrading it, and creating even more magical needs "(Comaloff and Comaroff. , 2000, p. 328). The executive government (and a casino) (and a casino) is a cultural and social asset created by casinos (events, art galleries, free concerts, chil d-rearing seminars for employees, discounts for residents) "hide" net negative social impact He is trying to minimize the destructive act due to protests, the confusion of the workplace, and overcontinuation (BUHI, 2019, Strauss, 2015). It is extremely difficult to get permission, any kind of public exhibition. From public funding through the Macau Foundation to the Macau Markets Festival for one month, and the ban on entry of Hong Kong, activists, and scholars in Macau, more and more focus on the protection of gambling market activities. The political system has been impaired by making the decisions. Although it is 22 small amounts, it concludes the idea that such "aid of God" is a new prosperity. Autonomy, labor allocation, subsidies, subsidies, and government redistribution methods in cultural expression cannot compensate for institutional restrictions or public dissatisfaction. It draws out the "vitality" of "public", conversely, deceives political things, and at the same time, it makes ethnicity vulgar, degrading it, and creating even more magical needs "(Comaloff and Comaroff. , 2000, p. 328). The executive government (and a casino) (and a casino) is a cultural and social asset created by casinos (events, art galleries, free concerts, chil d-rearing seminars for employees, discounts for residents) "hide" net negative social impact He is trying to prevent complaints and minimize destructive acts due to protests, workplaces, and excessive consumption (BUHI, 2019, Strauss, 2015). It is extremely difficult to get permission, any kind of public exhibition. From public funding through the Macau Foundation to the Macau Markets Festival for one month, and the ban on entry of Hong Kong, activists, and scholars in Macau, more and more focus on the protection of gambling market activities. The political system has been impaired by making the decisions.

Concluding Remarks

The hidden economy for 23 authorities and Beijing is hidden by tourist s-led prosperity, symbolic buildings, and the beauty of sightseeing promotion. Sightseeing is a mediocre, as if this concept would hide the casino's appeal and overcocarcating constellations (HOM) that changes the enormous personal economic loss of gambling as "sightseeing". , 2015). The casino is disguised as a problem, based on the promise that it can quickly become richer through alternative means such as magic, skills, intuition, and ancestral heritage (Hamilakis, 2016). In many regions in the world, it has been criticized for its no n-productive properties to be decadent (Reith, 2007), but the coincidence has burned up and focuses on providing it here. Hit Macau, Beijing, speculators, political blocks, and no n-national multinational actors are likely to be motivated. COMAROFF and COMAROFF (2000, p. 295) are located in the limit of "the protection of these (nobles, illegal occupieders," chassters ", which exceeds recreation and/ or onesttocks. It is a "exiled country" custom, and is described as a "shrinkage of immoral accumulation" (Comaroff and Comaroff, 2000, P. 295). While relying on gambling and the wealth created, official discourse rarely mentions gambling. The hidden economy for 23 authorities and Beijing is hidden by tourist s-led prosperity, symbolic buildings, and the beauty of tourism promotion. Sightseeing is a mediocre, as if this concept would hide the casino's appeal and overcocarcating constellations (HOM) that changes the enormous personal economic loss of gambling as "sightseeing". , 2015). The casino is disguised as a problem, based on the promise that it can quickly become richer through alternative means such as magic, skills, intuition, and ancestral heritage (Hamilakis, 2016). In many regions in the world, it has been criticized for its no n-productive properties to be decadent (Reith, 2007), but the coincidence has burned up and focuses on providing it here. Hit Macau, Beijing, speculators, political blocks, and no n-national multinational actors are likely to be motivated. COMAROFF and COMAROFF (2000, p. 295) are located in the limit of "the protection of these (nobles, illegal occupieders," chassters ", which exceeds recreation and/ or onesttocks. It is a "exiled country" custom, and is described as a "shrinkage of immoral accumulation" (Comaroff and Comaroff, 2000, P. 295). While relying on gambling and the wealth created, official discourse rarely mentions gambling. The hidden economy for 23 authorities and Beijing is hidden by tourist s-led prosperity, symbolic buildings, and the beauty of sightseeing promotion. Sightseeing is a mediocre, as if this concept would hide the casino's appeal and overcocarcating constellations (HOM) that changes the enormous personal economic loss of gambling as "sightseeing". , 2015). The casino is disguised as a problem, based on the promise that it can quickly become richer through alternative means such as magic, skills, intuition, and ancestral heritage (Hamilakis, 2016). In many regions in the world, it has been criticized for its no n-productive properties to be decadent (Reith, 2007), but the coincidence has burned up and focuses on providing it here. Hit Macau, Beijing, speculators, political blocks, and no n-national multinational actors are likely to be motivated. COMAROFF and COMAROFF (2000, p. 295) are located in the limit of "the protection of these (nobles, illegal occupieders," chassters ", which exceeds recreation and/ or onesttocks. It is a "exiled country" custom, and is described as a "shrinkage of immoral accumulation" (Comaroff and Comaroff, 2000, P. 295). While relying on gambling and the wealth created, official discourse rarely mentions gambling.

Bibliographie

24. Sightseeing is like a pyramid scheme because the more you pursue, the more you need. In 2014, the capacity of 32 million to 33 million (IFT, 2015) was confirmed, but the Macau Government Tourism Bureau (MGTO, 2017) predicted 40 million visitors in 2025. This number has almost reached in 2019 (see below). The illusion of the concept of the World Sightseeing Leisure Center is also a political structure and a fictional figure. And survive the hegemony project. Today, Macau residents are trying to live their lives in an economy (COEN AND MAGUIRE, 2012), which is an accident and trust and hides the rapid accumulation of wealth by a small number of people. There are frustrated ambitions and dominance, and alienation from invisible power. Instead of the number of tourists, Macau is committed to the mysterious meaning of the monthly gambling income. The category of the World Tourism and Leisure Center includes other illegal numbers, such as the number of workers who work unauthorized, from unemployed population in Guangdong and Fujian Province to the number of women working in prostitution. Hidden. 24 sightseeing is like a pyramid scheme because the more you pursue, the more you need. In 2014, the capacity of 32 million to 33 million (IFT, 2015) was confirmed, but the Macau Government Tourism Bureau (MGTO, 2017) predicted 40 million visitors in 2025. This number has almost reached in 2019 (see below). The illusion of the concept of the World Sightseeing Leisure Center is also a political structure and a fictional figure. And survive the hegemony project. Today, Macau residents are trying to live their lives in an economy (COEN AND MAGUIRE, 2012), which is an accident and trust and hides the rapid accumulation of wealth by a small number of people. There are frustrated ambitions and dominance, and alienation from invisible power. Instead of the number of tourists, Macau is committed to the mysterious meaning of the monthly gambling income. The category of the World Tourism and Leisure Center includes other illegal numbers, such as the number of workers who work unauthorized, from unemployed population in Guangdong and Fujian Province to the number of women working in prostitution. Hidden. 24. Sightseeing is like a pyramid scheme because the more you pursue, the more you need. In 2014, the capacity of 32 million to 33 million (IFT, 2015) was confirmed, but the Macau Government Tourism Bureau (MGTO, 2017) predicted 40 million visitors in 2025. This number has almost reached in 2019 (see below). The illusion of the concept of the World Sightseeing Leisure Center is also a political structure and a fictional figure. And survive the hegemony project. Today, Macau residents are trying to live their lives in an economy (COEN AND MAGUIRE, 2012), which is an accident and trust and hides the rapid accumulation of wealth by a small number of people. There are frustrated ambitions and dominance, and alienation from invisible power. Instead of the number of tourists, Macau is committed to the mysterious meaning of the monthly gambling income. The category of the World Tourism and Leisure Center includes other illegal numbers, such as the number of workers who work unauthorized, from unemployed population in Guangdong and Fujian Province to the number of women working in prostitution. Hidden.

25 "Coincident's blind democracy in gambling, which has separated rewards from effort and achievements" (Reith, 2007, P. 34), which does not damage schools, universities, workplaces, and politics, behind the mask of the national sovereignty. Created a new risk, such as a "shadow nation" (Reno, 2000) and the possibility of intervention in Beijing. Statistically, despite one of the highest countries in the world, people are promoted, (with subsidies) houses, Kinder Garden space, university school space, transportation, government In search of access to subsidies, life is regarded as a carrie r-like condition market. For example, Jane (32 years old) felt that it was difficult to be promoted to a casino. "There are already many colleagues who have challenged many times for the promotion, participated in the paper test, and have been interviewed many times, but they failed even if they worked. Their social network is not sufficient. ""

There is no official story about the 26 Macau's future and the future after 2049. There is no answer to whether the border with the mainland is completely open, the currency (Macau Pataka) will be dissolved, or whether the special administrative district will be integrated into the larger Cantonese, Hong Kong and Macau Bay. Macau authorities have the lowest in women's equality, labor organization, standard minimum wages for all people, LGBT rights, monopoly, social justice, social security, the rights of immigration and immigration, freedom of the press, etc. There are only limited plans and preliminary discussions. Venus (24 years old) pointed out that "Macau has a really discrimination against sam e-sex couples." I used to study at a girls' school before, so I know that some of the sam e-sex couples have high social pressure because of the traditional moral view of China. When they meet their family and friends, they are really embarrassing and ove r-conscious. " "Macau has regulated the flow of finance, real estate market, communication, currency, human, information, information, wealth, and labor, has lost control, and has become an occult unstable zone, and refusal and restrictions on justice. 25 "In a coincident's blind democracy" (Reith, 2007, P. 34), which separated rewards from efforts and achievements, the school, university, workplace, and politics. He has created new risks such as the "shadow nation" (RENO, 2000) and the possibility of intervening in Beijing behind the mask of the national sovereignty. Statistically, despite one of the highest countries in the world, people are promoted, (with subsidies) houses, Kinder Garden space, university school space, transportation, government In search of access to subsidies, life is regarded as a carrie r-like condition market. For example, Jane (32 years old) felt that it was difficult to be promoted to a casino. "There are already many colleagues who have challenged many times for the promotion, participated in the paper test, and have been interviewed many times, but they failed even if they worked. Their social network is not sufficient. ""

There is no official story about the 26 Macau's future and the future after 2049. There is no answer to whether the border with the mainland is completely open, the currency (Macau Pataka) will be dissolved, or whether the special administrative district will be integrated into the larger Cantonese, Hong Kong and Macau Bay. Macau authorities have the lowest in women's equality, labor organization, standard minimum wages for all people, LGBT rights, monopoly, social justice, social security, the rights of immigration and immigration, freedom of the press, etc. There are only limited plans and preliminary discussions. Venus (24 years old) pointed out that "Macau has a really discrimination against sam e-sex couples." I used to study at a girls' school before, so I know that some of the sam e-sex couples have high social pressure because of the traditional moral view of China. When they meet their family and friends, they are really embarrassing and ove r-conscious. " "Macau has regulated the flow of finance, real estate market, communication, currency, human, information, information, wealth, and labor, has lost control, and has become an occult unstable zone, and refusal and restrictions on justice. Inviting the fusion of "blind democracy in gambling that separated rewards from efforts and achievements" (REITH, 2007, P. 34) impaired schools, universities, workplaces, and politics. Created new risks such as the "Shadow State" (Reno, 2000) and the possibility of intervention in Beijing on the back of the sovereign mask. Statistically, despite one of the highest countries in the world, people are promoted, (with subsidies) houses, Kinder Garden space, university school space, transportation, government In search of access to subsidies, life is regarded as a carrie r-like condition market. For example, Jane (32 years old) felt that it was difficult to be promoted to a casino. "There are already many colleagues who have challenged many times for the promotion, participated in the paper test, and have been interviewed many times, but they failed even if they worked. Their social network is not sufficient. ""

27 As the residents have been insulted in the “cultural and ideological functions of the market” (LIU, 2008, p. 118), some Macau residents are the lon g-term macau residents of the transparency, accountability, and stability. It means that you are looking for a purpose, passion, and an unplanned "quick speculation", which has led to dramatic rise in medical services and housing. Local people believe that the increase in no n-resident workers is illegal (Zhu, 2019). "Fear of the invasion of foreigners who wear the body of the Hum Drum" (281) is that local workers are always looking for no n-resident workers on the mainland, which pretends to be secured for them. It means. Then, "make the evils lurking underground publicly visible and reverse the exclusion of foreigners who produce phantom [zombies] workers (Komarov and Komarov, 2002, pp. 789). There is. As Komarov and Komarov (2000, p. 326) point out, the occult economy drives the residents into demand:

"Stop the inflow of immigrants that divert the eyes of the people from autonomous driving. Put criminals in prison ... and other bad characters that ruin the world for good and diligent people." SPAN> 27 As insults insults in the market cultural and ideologies (LIU, 2008, p. 118), some macau residents are less than clarity, accountability, and stability. It means that lon g-term purposes, passions, and unplanned "quick speculation" means that it has led to the dramatic rise in medical services and housing. Local people believe that the increase in no n-resident workers is illegal (Zhu, 2019). "Fear of the invasion of foreigners who wear the body of the Hum Drum" (281) is that local workers are always looking for no n-resident workers on the mainland, which pretends to be secured for them. It means. Then, "make the evils lurking underground publicly visible and reverse the exclusion of foreigners who produce phantom [zombies] workers (Komarov and Komarov, 2002, pp. 789). There is. As Komarov and Komarov (2000, p. 326) point out, the occult economy drives the residents into demand:

"Stop the inflow of immigrants that divert the eyes of the people from autonomous driving. Put criminals in prison ... And other bad characters that ruin the world for good and diligent people." As the inhabitants are insulted by the residents "in the cultural and ideological features of the market" (LIU, 2008, P. 118), some Macau residents have a lon g-term macau resid It means that you are looking for a purpose, passion, and an unplanned "quick speculation", which has led to a dramatic increase in medical services and housing. Local people believe that the increase in no n-resident workers is illegal (Zhu, 2019). "Fear of the invasion of foreigners who wear the body of the Hum Drum" (281) is that local workers are always looking for no n-resident workers on the mainland, which pretends to be secured for them. It means. Then, "make the evils lurking underground publicly visible and reverse the exclusion of foreigners who produce phantom [zombies] workers (Komarov and Komarov, 2002, pp. 789). There is. As Komarov and Komarov (2000, p. 326) point out, the occult economy drives the residents into demand:

"Stop the inflow of immigrants that disturb the people's eyes from autonomous driving. Put criminals in prison ... And other bad characters to ruin the world for good and diligent people."

28 J-whistlebliters are often accused of migrant workers from "heterogeneous" countries such as the Philippines, leaving their hometown, family, and local communities for crime, depriving their work, dissatisfied with their career, and hindering their career. did. These moral divisions are largely based on the classification system that manages the diversity of ethnic groups established by Portugal (Clayton, 2019), both of which are "active discrimination" and social media that are advantageous for Macau residents. It is useful for the formation of concerns about unofficial foreigners (ZHU, 2019, 2019 (2019)). For example, in 2018, no n-residents who give birth in Macau impose three times higher childbirth expenses than residents (Clayton, 2019). For many whistleblower, foreign workers have threatened to "suck up the ri p-off welfare that is rapidly decreasing of indigenous people" (Comaroff and Comaroff, 2002a, P. 789). Sean (23 years old) said, "I live in the area where I live, and there is a possibility that the crime rate will increase", and Sally (21 years old) came from Nepal, the Philippines, and other Southeast Asian countries. People pointed out that it could lead to an increase in crime. " Chris (59 years old) felt that there were many crimes, saying, "There are too many foreign prostitutes" and "there are rotten police who do not arrest them." 28 Jobs are often migrant workers from "heterogeneous" countries such as the Philippines, leaving their hometown, family, and local communities for crime, depriving them of their work, dissatisfied with their careers, and hindering their career. I accused you. These moral divisions are largely based on the classification system that manages the diversity of ethnic groups established by Portugal (Clayton, 2019), both of which are "active discrimination" and social media that are advantageous for Macau residents. It is useful for the formation of concerns about unofficial foreigners (ZHU, 2019, 2019 (2019)). For example, in 2018, no n-residents who give birth in Macau impose three times higher childbirth expenses than residents (Clayton, 2019). For many whistleblower, foreign workers have threatened to "suck up the ri p-off welfare that is rapidly decreasing of indigenous people" (Comaroff and Comaroff, 2002a, P. 789). Sean (23 years old) said, "I live in the area where I live, and there is a possibility that the crime rate will increase", and Sally (21 years old) came from Nepal, the Philippines, and other Southeast Asian countries. People pointed out that it could lead to an increase in crime. " Chris (59 years old) felt that there were many crimes, saying, "There are too many foreign prostitutes" and "there are rotten police who do not arrest them." 28 J-whistlebliters are often accused of migrant workers from "heterogeneous" countries such as the Philippines, leaving their hometown, family, and local communities for crime, depriving their work, dissatisfied with their career, and hindering their career. did. These moral divisions are largely based on the classification system that manages the diversity of ethnic groups established by Portugal (Clayton, 2019), both of which are "active discrimination" and social media that are advantageous for Macau residents. It is useful for the formation of concerns about unofficial foreigners (ZHU, 2019, 2019 (2019)). For example, in 2018, no n-residents who give birth in Macau impose three times higher childbirth expenses than residents (Clayton, 2019). For many whistleblower, foreign workers have threatened to "suck up the ri p-off welfare that is rapidly decreasing of indigenous people" (Comaroff and Comaroff, 2002a, P. 789). Sean (23 years old) said, "I have more foreign work in my area and the crime rate may increase", and Sally (21 years old) came from Nepal, the Philippines, and other Southeast Asian countries. People pointed out that it could lead to an increase in crime. " Chris (59 years old) felt that there were many crimes, saying, "There are too many foreign prostitutes" and "there are rotten police who do not arrest them."

Macau’s future is based on confidence, predictions and probabilities in an economy that may be devastated by Beijing’s signature. Casinos are in everyone’s homes in Macau, physically present, yet opaque and mysterious at the same time. Macau currently lacks a strong cultural and political identity or institutions that can resist dislodging from deliberate incendiary or the promotion of chance irrational forces. Casinos are a major attraction, seductive and seductive, as if “emerging from something far away called the future” (Bauman, 2013, p. 78). If a portion of the transient population – investors, workers, gamblers and elites – loses trust and faith in this magical world in which they envision wealth, identity and a future, Macau’s economic prosperity and social stability may collapse. Citizens lack confidence, with 30% of the non-resident population in the workforce, 25% of the population, including professionals, judges, politicians and senior civil servants, holding Portuguese passports (Chou, 2011), and 40% of Macau high school graduates going abroad for college (O'Keefe, 2013).

Billions of dollars allegedly passing through Macau every year (China Congress and Executive Committee Annual Report 2013) and 30 allegations about prostitution (US State Department 2018) cause anger and tension.

It reminds citizens how undiversified and vulnerable Macau's economy is to rumors and external factors and shocks. The same global flows that have driven GDP growth are sensitive to changes in visa and cash-transfer policies from the mainland.

The availability of credit and unfavorable global macroeconomic conditions. Avian influenza outbreaks or pandemics, such as the latest novel coronavirus, 2019-NCOV from Wuhan, rising Federal Reserve interest rates, cyber attacks, natural disasters, downside to central bank stimulus, global liquidity, and changes in IV could end the speculative boom and lead to consolidation. Underground banking, growing concerns about money laundering and misappropriation of public funds, and political failure to introduce diversification mean that Beijing can turn off the tap as easily as it turned it on (Chou, 2011). Macau's future is based on confidence, predictions, and probabilities in an economy that may be devastated by Beijing's signature. Casinos have entered the homes of everyone in Macau and are physically present, yet at the same time opaque and mysterious. Macau currently lacks a strong cultural and political identity or institutions that can resist breakaways from deliberate incendiary or accidental irrational force promotion. Casinos are the main attraction, seductive and seductive, as if they “emerge from something far away called the future” (Bauman, 2013, p. 78). Macau’s economic prosperity and social stability may collapse if some of the transient population – investors, workers, gamblers, elites – lose trust and faith in this magical world of supposed wealth, identity, and future. With 30% of the non-resident population in the workforce, 25% of the population, including professionals, judges, politicians, and senior civil servants, holding Portuguese passports (Chou, 2011), and 40% of Macau’s high school graduates going abroad for college (O’Keefe, 2013), citizens lack confidence. Billions of dollars allegedly flowing through Macau every year (China Congress and Executive Committee Annual Report, 2013), and 30 rumours about prostitution (US State Department, 2018) cause anger and tension. It reminds citizens how undiversified Macau’s economy is and vulnerable to rumors, external factors and shocks. The same global flows that have driven GDP growth are sensitive to changes in visa and cash-transfer policies from the mainland. Credit availability and unfavorable global macroeconomic conditions. Avian influenza outbreaks and pandemics, such as the latest Corowide, 2019-NCOV from Wuhan, Federal Reserve interest rate hikes, cyber attacks, natural disasters, downside to central bank stimulus and global liquidity and IV changes could end the speculative boom and lead to consolidation. Underground banking, growing concerns about money laundering and misappropriation of public funds, and political failure to introduce diversification mean Beijing can turn off the tap as easily as it turned it on (Chou, 2011). Macau’s future is based on confidence, predictions and probabilities in an economy that may be devastated by Beijing’s signature. Casinos have entered everyone’s homes in Macau, are physically present, yet at the same time opaque and mysterious. Macau currently lacks a strong cultural and political identity and institutions that can resist breakaways from deliberate inflaming or the promotion of accidental irrational forces. Casinos are a major attraction, seductive and seductive, as if they “emerge from something far away called the future” (Bauman, 2013, p. 78). If some of the transient population – investors, workers, gamblers, elites – loses faith and trust in this magical world of supposed wealth, identity, and future, Macau’s economic prosperity and social stability may collapse. With 30% of the non-resident population in the workforce, 25% of the population, including professionals, judges, politicians, and senior civil servants, holding Portuguese passports (Chou, 2011), and 40% of Macau’s high school graduates going abroad for college (O’Keefe, 2013), citizens lack self-confidence. Billions of dollars allegedly flowing through Macau each year (2013, China Congressional and Executive Committee Annual Report) and 30 reports of prostitution (2018, US State Department) spark anger and tension. It reminds citizens how undiversified and vulnerable Macau’s economy is to rumors, external factors and shocks. The same global flows that have driven GDP growth are sensitive to changes in visa and cash transit policies from the mainland. Credit availability and adverse global macroeconomic conditions. Avian influenza outbreaks and pandemics such as the latest Corowide, Wuhan-originated 2019-NCOV, Federal Reserve interest rate hikes, cyber attacks, natural disasters, downside central bank stimulus measures and global liquidity and IV changes could end the speculative boom and lead to consolidation. Underground banking, money laundering, growing concerns about misappropriation of public funds, and political failure to introduce diversification mean that Beijing can turn off the tap as easily as it has turned it on (Chou, 2011).

31 The casino group, which is not directly responsible for Macau, has begun to look at the surrounding areas, as the possibility of sightseeing restrictions from Beijing and the extension limit of the casino concessions are unclear. The old frontier becomes a new frontier and a highly moving global competitive capital finds a zone with low restrictions (comaroff and comaroff, 2012, p. 121), the Philippines, South Korea, Taiwan, Cambodia, Vietnam It is a destination for a new gambling.

32 Macau, who was always in the middle of changes in the regional economy, politics, and society, returned from Portugal to China in 1999. Although it was not a democratic state, the policy policy has given Macau to Macau for introducing a deterrent economic adjustment in order for policy proprietors to continue to be a crossroads. It was. However, Macau has become a frontier with few new regulations due to liberalization and deregulation. He provided his hometown and gateway for foreign casinos and opaque capital. Macau flourished in both abnormal capital inflows and capital outflows, between the global fluid supply of the world's major central banks and the opening of China. The government may be repeated, as the government does not seem to be able to r e-establish a normal economic pattern, and that Beijing does not pursue a collectoralization process that cuts out unstable cycles. Just as Macau has gained direct profits from opium, bread, gold, and weapons, the fate of Macau today is to solve Macau's vitality, creativity, and a wide range of liberation spells. It must be created by actors who do not give true confidence necessary. There is no reason to believe so.

APTER, A. (2005), The Pan-African Nation: Oil and The Spectacle of Culture in Nigeria, The University of Chicago Pres, CHICAGO.

Bauman, Z. (2013), Globalization: The Human Conssequences, 2nd Edition, Polity, Cambridge. The casino group, which is not directly responsible or directly responsible, has begun to look at the surrounding area. The old frontier becomes a new frontier and a highly moving global competitive capital finds a zone with low restrictions (comaroff and comaroff, 2012, p. 121), the Philippines, South Korea, Taiwan, Cambodia, Vietnam It is a destination for a new gambling.

32 Macau, who was always in the middle of changes in the regional economy, politics, and society, returned from Portugal to China in 1999. Although it was not a democratic state, the policy policy has given Macau to Macau for introducing a deterrent economic adjustment in order for policy proprietors to continue to be a crossroads. It was. However, Macau has become a frontier with few new regulations due to liberalization and deregulation. He provided his hometown and gateway for foreign casinos and opaque capital. Macau flourished in both abnormal capital inflows and capital outflows, between the global fluid supply of the world's major central banks and the opening of China. The government may be repeated, as the government does not seem to be able to r e-establish a normal economic pattern, and that Beijing does not pursue a collectoralization process that cuts off an unstable cycle. Just as Macau has gained direct profits from opium, bread, gold, and weapons, the fate of Macau today is to solve Macau's vitality, creativity, and a wide range of liberation spells. It must be created by actors who do not give true confidence necessary. There is no reason to believe so.

APTER, A. (2005), The Pan-African Nation: Oil and The Spectacle of Culture in Nigeria, The University of Chicago Pres, CHICAGO.

Bauman, Z. (2013), Globalization: The Human Conssequency, 2nd Edition, Polution, Cambridge. 31 Explain to Macao because the possibility of sightseeing restrictions from Beijing and extension of casino concessions are unclear. The casino group, which is not responsible or directly liable, has begun to look at the surrounding area. The old frontier becomes a new frontier and a highly moving global competitive capital finds a zone with low restrictions (comaroff and comaroff, 2012, p. 121), the Philippines, South Korea, Taiwan, Cambodia, Vietnam It is a destination for a new gambling.

32 Macau, who was always in the middle of changes in the regional economy, politics, and society, returned from Portugal to China in 1999. Although it was not a democratic state, the policy policy has given Macau to Macau for introducing a deterrent economic adjustment in order for policy proprietors to continue to be a crossroads. It was. However, Macau has become a frontier with few new regulations due to liberalization and deregulation. He provided his hometown and gateway for foreign casinos and opaque capital. Macau flourished in both abnormal capital inflows and capital outflows, with the global fluid supply and openness of China released by the world's major central banks. The government may be repeated, as the government does not seem to be able to r e-establish a normal economic pattern, and that Beijing does not pursue a collectoralization process that cuts out unstable cycles. Just as Macau has gained direct profits from opium, bread, gold, and weapons, the fate of Macau today is to solve Macau's vitality, creativity, and a wide range of liberation spells. It must be created by actors who do not give true confidence necessary. There is no reason to believe so.

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Pour citer cet article

Référence électronique

MGTO, (2017), 「MACAO Tourism Industry Development Plan」, Macau Government Tourism Office (MGTO), available at: https://masterplan. macaotourism. gov. mo/home-en/index. html.

Auteur

Michael O’Regan

Nader, L. (1972), 「Up the Anthropologis t-Perspectives gained from study」, in Hymes D. (Eds.), Discovering Anthropology, Pantheon, New York, pp. 284-311.

Droits d’auteur

O'Keeffe, K. (2013), 「Macau Parlays Casino Cash for Renewal」, Wall Street Journal, Available at: http://online. wsj. com/news/articles/sb4000142412788732475104579070991473562028

Elim Poon - Journalist, Creative Writer

Last modified: 27.08.2024

Post-Colonial Macau: Hope and despair in a World Centre of Tourism and Leisure. Impact of user-generated travel posts on travel decisions: A comparative study. Macau is an autonomous region on the south coast of China, across the Pearl River Delta from Hong Kong. A Portuguese territory until , it reflects a mix of cultural influences. Its giant casinos and malls on the Cotai Strip, which joins the. Bangkok Post. Retrieved from lcusoccer.org Post-colonial Macau: Hope and despair in a world centre of tourism and leisure.

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