The impact of casino proximity on northeast urban communities a literature review Humanities and

The impact of casino proximity on northeast urban communities: a literature review

The legalization, regulation, and proliferation of casinos in the United States has led to an increase in gambling participation. The three As (accessibility, availability, and acceptability), known as ecological predictors of gambling participation, are also associated with casino inundation, such as the influx of urban casinos into large cities along the Northeast corridor. Although the association between casino proximity, increased casino participation, and gambling-related problems has been reported in the literature on gambling and casinos, the association between casino proximity and urban casino communities has not been fully explored in the current literature. The purpose of this paper is to present a comprehensive review of casino proximity and urban casino and host communities in the context of the debate surrounding casino construction, proximity, and impacts on Northeast urban casino communities, and to describe the impacts on these communities through an extensive literature review. The results reveal that (i) urban casinos are typically located in low socioeconomic communities with an existing gambling culture, and (ii) although socioeconomic improvements were promised in existing disadvantaged communities prior to casino introduction, modest economic benefits were realized in such communities. Paper published August 2, 2023

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Commercial casino gambling increased globally from the 1990s to the mid-2000s (Hodgins and Petry, 2016; Shaffer et al., 2006). However, the United States was slow to legalize gambling, especially in the Northeast, where only Atlantic City and its mini-Las Vegas with low-to-medium quality destination casinos existed, and Foxwoods, a tribal casino run by the Pequot Indians in Mashantucket, Connecticut. However, as state governments learned that they could make additional revenue by legalizing various forms of gambling, including horse racing, lotteries, and casinos, there was a growing push to legalize gambling (Tidwell et al., 2015; Walker and Jackson, 2011), which resulted in more gambling establishments, especially casinos, being licensed and opened. By 2000, 48 states had authorized legal gambling (Petry and Blanco, 2013), and over 350 casinos operated in 29 states (Wenz, 2014, p. 137). As gambling legalization continued to tighten casino regulations, casino penetration expanded across the United States (Institute of American Values [IAV, 2013]; Martin et al., 2011; Stansbury et al., 2015; Tolchard, 2015; Tong and Chim, 2013; Welte et al., 2016a). Connecticut opened its second tribally run Mohegan Sun Casino in Uncasville in 1996, New York and Pennsylvania opened commercial casinos in 2004, and Maryland followed suit in 2010 (Nower, Volberg and Caler, 2017; Tidwell et al., 2019). At the end of 2018, the American Gaming Association ([AGA], 2019) reported a record 979 casinos, including 465 casinos in 43 locations across the country. There were 100 commercial casinos (land-based, river-based, and racing), and 514 tribal casinos.

Introduction

The emergence of an urban casino, another type of casino aging, began to reset ecological landscape in metropolitan areas in the early 2000s. Some of the northeastern urban casinos are raccan or Racino ([AGA], 2018; CONWAY, 2015; Welte et al., 2016b ) However, the type of casino gaming is generally different from traditional casino management with slot machines and live dealers. 。

Despite the limited gaming options, the Northeast Great Urban Statistics (MSA) or Metro Areas (US Ministry of Agriculture's Economic Survey Council [USDA ERC], N. D.) introduced casinos and lasino. (C onway, 2015). D.) adopts casinos and racino (CONWAY, 2015). Megalopolis (COE ET Al, 2018), which is a large city along the corridor connecting Boston and Washington D. C., and urban casinos are concentrated in the three major cities: New York, Philadelphia and Baltimore. All casinos in the northeast corridor are commercial casinos, but only in New York and Philadelphia operate Ratino.

Before the introduction of casinos in the northeastern metropolitan area, the participation and gambling at the casino was mainly held in Mojan Gansan in Connecticut, Fox Woods casinos, and the Atlantic City casinos in New Jersey. Legalization caused a new wave of an urban casino to rush, and a casino was added to the existing racetrack. Participation in casinos has increased due to the easier access to urban casinos, became available, and accepted (CONWAY, 2015; TolChard, 2015). The emergence of urban casinos, another type of casino aging, began to reset ecological landscape in metropolitan areas in the early 2000s. Some of the northeastern urban casinos are raccan or Racino ([AGA], 2018; CONWAY, 2015; Welte et al., 2016b ) However, the type of casino gaming is generally different from traditional casino management with slot machines and live dealers. 。

Before the introduction of casinos in the northeastern metropolitan area, the participation and gambling at the casino was mainly held in Mojan Gansan in Connecticut, Fox Woods casinos, and the Atlantic City casinos in New Jersey. Legalization caused a new wave of an urban casino to rush, and a casino was added to the existing racetrack. Participation in casinos has increased due to the easier access to urban casinos, became available, and accepted (CONWAY, 2015; TolChard, 2015). The emergence of an urban casino, another type of casino aging, began to reset ecological landscape in metropolitan areas in the early 2000s. Some of the northeastern urban casinos are raccan or Racino ([AGA], 2018; CONWAY, 2015; Welte et al., 2016b ) However, the type of casino gaming is generally different from traditional casino management with slot machines and live dealers. 。

Methods

Studies that investigate access to the casino and use potential in the context of the proximity of the casino have a correlation between the components (access and usable) and the gambling or other gamblin g-related issues. I am finding that (Ariyabuddhiphongs, 2012; CONWAY, 2015; MARTIN and others; TolChard, 2015). Several researchers who studied the proximity of the casino (PHILANDER, 2019; Welte et al., 2017; Welte et al., 2016a; Welte et al., 2016b; ) It has been reported that this component may increase the possibility of gambling participation based on the proximity scale. Many of these studies were done before the casinos flow into major cities in the northeast, but access, use, and convenience to casinos in urban areas are economic distress, mental disorders. There is a possibility that potential gambling problems such as health problems (ariyabuddhiphone, 2012; confay, 2015?

Studies on the proximity of casinos and the expansion of casinos have not been able to keep up with changes in the entire casino industry, especially urban casinos in metropolitan areas (CONWAY, 2015). Previous research has shown that urban casinos are already in a community with gambling culture (Barness et al, 2013; Redmond, 2015; Welte et al., 2016). Individuals living nearby are likely to be a problem gambler (Moore et al.), So the need to understand the proximity of the casino related to the urban casino community is that the community is already in trouble due to the proximity of urban casinos. So social and economic problems may increase, and as a result, services and interventions provided by social service experts and other stakeholders (members and community workers) may increase. Therefore, it is caused by the lack of literature. Casino's proximity context to investigate the accessory and use of access to the casino, correlate between the components (access and usable) or the gambling or other gambling issues. I have found that there is a relationship (Ariyabuddhiphongs, 2012; ConWay, 2015; Martin et al. 2011; TolChard, 2015). Several researchers who studied the proximity of the casino (PHILANDER, 2019; Welte et al., 2017; Welte et al., 2016a; Welte et al., 2016b; ) It has been reported that this component may increase the possibility of gambling participation based on the proximity scale. Many of these studies were done before the casinos flow into major cities in the northeast, but access, use, and convenience to casinos in urban areas are economic distress, mental disorders. There is a possibility that potential gambling problems such as health problems (ariyabuddhiphone, 2012; confay, 2015?

Studies on the proximity of casinos and the expansion of casinos have not been able to keep up with changes in the entire casino industry, especially urban casinos in metropolitan areas (CONWAY, 2015). Previous research has shown that urban casinos are already in a community with gambling culture (Barness et al, 2013; Redmond, 2015; Welte et al., 2016). Individuals living nearby are likely to be a problem gambler (Moore et al.), So the need to understand the proximity of the casino related to the urban casino community is that the community is already in trouble due to the proximity of urban casinos. So social and economic problems may increase, and as a result, services and interventions provided by social service experts and other stakeholders (members and community workers) may increase. Therefore, it is caused by the lack of literature. Studies that investigate access to the casino and use potential in the context of the proximity of the casino have a correlation between the components (access and usable) and the gambling or other gamblin g-related issues. I am finding that (Ariyabuddhiphongs, 2012; CONWAY, 2015; MARTIN and others; TolChard, 2015). Several researchers who studied the proximity of the casino (PHILANDER, 2019; Welte et al., 2017; Welte et al., 2016a; Welte et al., 2016b; ) It has been reported that this component may increase the possibility of gambling participation based on the proximity scale. Many of these studies were done before the casinos flow into major cities in the northeast, but access, use, and convenience to casinos in urban areas are economic distress, mental disorders. There is a possibility that potential gambling problems such as health problems (ariyabuddhiphone, 2012; confay, 2015?

Results from the literature

MCEWAN (2018) claims that the qualitative literature review provides evidence to investigate the phenomena, includes the theoretical position, discusses and integrates the knowledge obtained from existing research. Urban casinos in the northeast are still relatively new phenomena (CONWAY, 2015), and since the research in the literature is scarce, this literature review is the proximity of casinos and cities in three major cities along the Northeast Megalopolis corridor. Aim to examine and verify the relationship with the type casino community and provide a more comprehensive understanding. Supported from the viewpoint of exposure theory and the theory of adaptation (Laplante and Shaffer, 2007; PHILANDER, 2019), the existing literature was integrated and discussed to justify this research.

Historical overview of gambling

In this review, you can use a hand search at Academic Search Premier, Proquest Center, Google School, PSYCHINFO, and Socindex. Four things: IEWS and Meta-Analysis (PRISMA) protocol (Browning and Rigolon, 2019) The steps (specified, screening, qualification, inclusion) were used. Casino close contact, casino accessibility, casino community, urban gambling, urban type gambling, casino, casino, social economic status, casinos and problems gambling, and several search terms including the northeastern casinos, and some of the previous terms Academic papers and research that call for the casino proximity are identified using different combinations.

Although the date limit was minimal, the date of the date from 2004 to 2019 to meet the meaningful contributions to the casino approach and the city casino literature 210. The paper was identified. However, some papers, which met the requirements of the date and contained the components of the casino melee, had the relationship between gambling, pathological gambling, gambling for the elderly, and analogy disorder. Thus, these papers were not selected, and 111 out of 210 identified papers were excluded. MCEWAN (2018) claims that the qualitative literature review provides basis for investigating the phenomena, includes a theoretical position, discussing the knowledge obtained from existing research and integrating. I am. Urban casinos in the northeast are still relatively new phenomena (CONWAY, 2015), and since the research in the literature is scarce, this literature review is the proximity of casinos and cities in three major cities along the Northeast Megalopolis corridor. Aim to examine and verify the relationship with the type casino community and provide a more comprehensive understanding. Supported from the viewpoint of exposure theory and the theory of adaptation (Laplante and Shaffer, 2007; PHILANDER, 2019), the existing literature was integrated and discussed to justify this research.

Although the date limit was minimal, the date of the date from 2004 to 2019 to meet the meaningful contributions to the casino approach and the city casino literature 210. The paper was identified. However, some papers, which met the requirements of the date and contained the components of the casino melee, had the relationship between gambling, pathological gambling, gambling for the elderly, and analogy disorder. Thus, these papers were not selected, and 111 out of 210 identified papers were excluded. MCEWAN (2018) claims that the qualitative literature review provides evidence to investigate the phenomena, includes the theoretical position, discusses and integrates the knowledge obtained from existing research. Urban casinos in the northeast are still relatively new phenomena (CONWAY, 2015), and since the research in the literature is scarce, this literature review is the proximity of casinos and cities in three major cities along the Northeast Megalopolis corridor. Aim to examine and verify the relationship with the type casino community and provide a more comprehensive understanding. Supported from the viewpoint of exposure theory and the theory of adaptation (Laplante and Shaffer, 2007; PHILANDER, 2019), the existing literature was integrated and discussed to justify this research.

The titles and abstracts of the remaining 99 articles were reviewed, which resulted in the exclusion of an additional 26 articles. The suitability of the remaining 73 articles for this evaluation was based on relevance to the inclusion criteria, authority, and paper recency (Browning and Rigolon, 2019). Relevance determined the applicability of each article to this review, and authority examined each article to determine academic applicability and peer review standards. An additional 18 articles were found to be ineligible because reading the full text of each article was part of the eligibility evaluation process. Thus, 55 articles met the criteria for final inclusion in this literature review.

This review presents relevant literature supporting the topic of casino proximity impacts on casino communities in Northeast urban areas, including (i) a historical overview of gambling, including an overview of gambling and large gambling establishments in the Northeast, (ii) components of casino proximity, and (iii) the theoretical foundations of the exposure and adaptation framework in the casino gambling literature. Gambling collapse as it relates to casino proximity research is briefly introduced as the fourth area of this review.

By 4000 BC, gambling was being used as a form of betting (Ferentzy and Turner, 2012). Shaffer et al. (2006) refer to gambling as a "variety of games of chance" with limited access due to "geography and legal status" (p. 427). In most states where gambling is legal, an activity is defined as gambling if it meets all three criteria: "(a) something of value that can be wagered or is being wagered (perception); (b) the opportunity to receive something of value in return (reward or winnings); and (c) an element of chance" (Tidwell et al, 2015, p. 14).

Tidwell, Welte, Barnes and Dayanim (2015) identified 24 types of legalized gambling, ranging from state lotteries and state kenotype games to casinos (destination, Indian-operated, and pari-mutuel), horse racing, and online gambling:

State lottery and state keno games, four types of charity games (charity games such as bingo, raffle, pull tab, casinos and las Vegas nights), various forms of pariminutuel gambling (horse racing, dog racing, small lace, of f-drive gambling, of f-drive gambling , High Alai, instant/ historical horse racing, promotional gambling). There are three types of casino gambling other than Indians (commercial casinos, state casinos, river casinos, cruise ship casinos, racing casinos), and two Indian gambling (tribal bingohole, tribal casino). Cricket? Social gamblin g-Sports bettin g-poolcull cutter; video or electronic gambling machine. And Internet gambling (p. 14).

Casino-gambling overview

The Colombia Special Ward and each state participate in at least two kinds of gambling. Utah and Hawaii are exceptions, each participating in one kind of gambling (Welte et al.)

Nevertheless, gambling was not always attractive, and in most cases it was linked to people with low social economic backgrounds (Braverman and Shaffer, 2012; TolChard, 2015). For this reason, many states banned gambling in the early 1990s, including Petry and Blanco, 2013, in 1910. However, Nevada opened his first casino on the course in 1931 as a way to earn income after the Great Depression (46 years later, a resort casino opened in Atlantic City, 46 years later. Since then, legalization and regulations, the spread of casinos, and the "Small Stage Casino" (Wenz, 2014, P. 137) in South Dakota in South Dakota in 1989, and Riverbort Casino (Wenz, 2014) in Iowa in 1991. The new gambling form has developed in Colorado in 1991, followed by Mississippi in 1992, and Michigan in 1999 (NOWER ET Al, 2017; TIDWELL ET AL. Horse racing, dog racing, of f-drive gambling, hig h-alien, instant/ historical horse racing, three types of casino gambling (commercial casinos, state casinos, cruise ship casinos, racing casinos) Two types of Indian gambling (tribal bingo holes, sports gambling or electronic gambling (p. 14).

The Colombia Special Ward and each state participate in at least two kinds of gambling. Utah and Hawaii are exceptions, each participating in one kind of gambling (Welte et al.)

Nevertheless, gambling was not always attractive, and in most cases it was linked to people with low social economic backgrounds (Braverman and Shaffer, 2012; TolChard, 2015). For this reason, many states banned gambling in the early 1990s, including Petry and Blanco, 2013, in 1910. However, Nevada opened his first casino on the course in 1931 as a way to earn income after the Great Depression (46 years later, a resort casino opened in Atlantic City, 46 years later. Since then, legalization and regulations, the spread of casinos, and the "Small Stage Casino" (Wenz, 2014, P. 137) in South Dakota in South Dakota in 1989, and Riverbort Casino (Wenz, 2014) in Iowa in 1991. The new gambling form has developed in Colorado in 1991, followed by Mississippi in 1992, and Michigan in 1999 (NOWER ET Al, 2017; Tidwell et al. Three types of casino gambling (commercial casinos, river vessels, racing casinos) other than lace, of f-drive gambling, hig h-circle, instant/ historical horse racing, promotion gambling). Two types (tribal bingo holes) Social gamblin g-poo l-gambling machines.

Major northeast casino-gambling outlets

The Colombia Special Ward and each state participate in at least two kinds of gambling. Utah and Hawaii are exceptions, each participating in one kind of gambling (Welte et al.)

In the late 21st century, gambling new methods have increased. Online gambling was on the rise from 1999 to 2011, but online gambling was not approved in any state until Delaware was allowed to provide online casino gambling in 2012. After that, Nevada and New Jersey started online casino gambling in 2013 (NOWER et al. With the addition of casino gambling mode, Gainsbury et al. Nower et al. (2017) was online. Whether gambling is an alternative to gambling or simply a different style of gambling, the Hodgins and Petry (2016) argues. Despite the increase, he pointed out that the percentage of commercial gambling income is small.

Northeast corridor urban casinos

Meanwhile, the legal sports betting "limited to Nevada" (AGA, 2019, P. 32) was expanded to seven states at the end of 2018. Commercial casinos in the northeastern states (Delaware, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Lord Island), Mississippi, and West Virginia have obtained permission to provide sports gambling in real estate. However, only Nevada, New Jersey, and West Virginia provide mobile and online sports betting in the entire state in addition to commercial casinos. Mississippi also provides sports betting in tribal casinos, and New Mexico is the eighth state in October 2018, which provides a real estate sports betting in a tribal casino in the state (AGA, 2019, P. 14).

With the expansion of casinos nationwide, casino entertainment has attracted adults, creating an entertainment rivalry. As a result, gaming income, especially casino revenues, surpassed theme parks and cinemas, and the casino gaming was pushed up to the mainstream of American entertainment (CONWAY, 2015; Kerber et al., 2015; Martin et al., 2011; STANSBURY ET AL.

For example, New York's gaming tax revenues, which did not include commercial casino taxes, ranked first in the 2004 reporting period with $199. 5 billion in total gaming tax revenues (Walker and Jackson, 2011). Second was Illinois with $1, 355 billion, and third was New Jersey with $1, 266 billion. Meanwhile, Nevada ranked first with $887 million and New Jersey ranked second with $470 million in commercial casino tax revenues during the same period (Walker and Jackson, 2011). The commercial casino tax revenues of Nevada and New Jersey are in line with established destination casino facilities in the United States.

However, at the end of 2018, the AGA (2019) reported that the US casino industry had recorded its highest revenue of $41. 68 billion, a 3. 5% increase from 2017 (p. 6). USD from consumer spending, an increase of 3. 5% from 2017 (p. 6). The main contributors to the increase in casino revenues were metropolitan casinos in the three largest metropolitan areas (New York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore). Megalopolis freestanding Northeast metropolitan casinos reported revenues that ranked among the top 10 commercial casino revenues from outside Nevada. Undoubtedly, casino access and availability had a significant impact on commercial casino revenues.

Resorts World New York Casino New York (RWCNYC), an urban racer in the New York metropolitan area, reported the highest commercial casino revenue of any standalone casino outside of Nevada at $852 million in 2018 (Aga, 2019). Located just 14 miles from the New York metropolitan area, RWCNYC retained its top spot in 2017. MGM's National Harbor Urban and Destination Casino MGM (MGM), located between Baltimore and Washington DC, ranked third with gaming revenue of just over $700 million. At the same time, Parx Casino & Racing (PARX), located outside Philadelphia, ranked fifth with approximately $600 million. The Live Casino and Hotel (close to the Baltimore metropolitan area) reported gaming revenue of just under $600 million and was in eighth place (Aga, 2019, p. 86). Considering the positive economic benefits to the casinos and their respective governments, urban casinos in the Northeast contribute significantly to total commercial casino revenues in their host states and the United States. However, it is unclear how these economic benefits translate into positive outcomes for local urban host communities.

Las Vegas' prominent casino-hotel strip, where dining, entertainment and gambling are always plentiful, is a steady driver of casino trade revenues. As the leading adult gambling and entertainment destination in the United States, Las Vegas is the first legal home of gambling (Tidwell et al., 2018). In 2018, the Las Vegas Strip reported gaming revenue of $6. 59 billion, while the Atlantic City market was second with $2. 51 billion. The Chicago gaming market, with its established casinos, ranked third with $1, 950 billion. Meanwhile, the two relatively new Northeastern commercial casino markets, Baltimore-Washington D. C. and New York, ranked fourth and fifth with revenues of $1, 88 billion and $1, 450 billion, respectively (Aga, 2019, p. 18). The Philadelphia casino market reported revenues of $1, 300 billion and ranked seventh, while the Connecticut market did not make the list of the top 20 commercial casino markets.

Prior to the country's legalization of gambling, gambling overall, and casino gambling in particular, was not necessarily an acceptable activity, as gambling activities were associated with organized crime (Tolchard, 2015). However, this perception began to change with legalization and regulation (Petry and Blanco, 2013), and casino gambling has changed into a socially acceptable activity for adults (Ashley and Boehlke, 2012). A survey commissioned by the AGA found that 49% of American adults approve of the casino gambling industry. This is the highest acceptance rate for the casino gambling industry recorded by the AGA, and a 4% increase from 2018. A review of the literature has shown that gambling and casino participation are related to the accessibility, availability, and acceptability of gambling facilities, i. e., the three as (Ashley and Boehlke, 2012; Conway, 2105; Shaffer et al.). Ecological predictors or the three as (Conway, 2015; Tanner and Mazmanian, 2016; Tolchard, 2015) create further opportunities for casino gambling, and when casino gambling opportunities are available, the risk of gambling-related problems may potentially increase (Conway, 2015; Martin et al., 2011; Philander, 2019; Tolchard, 2015; Tong and Chim, 2013). Gambling-related problems, such as financial distress, mental disorders, and health problems, may potentially increase with increased gambling participation. However, gambling-related problems were not clearly associated with the proximity of casinos in urban areas. There is limited research focused on urban issues related to urban casinos and casino-encased casinos (Conway, 2015; Tolchard, 2015). There is even less research on the socio-economic level of urban casinos’ impacts on host communities. Furthermore, Hodgins and Petry (2016) noted that although overall gambling research has increased, limited funding (Blaszczynski, 2011), misalignment among governments, various stakeholders, and academic researchers remain barriers to extending gambling research. Thus, this literature review is poised to advance the literature on urban casinos.

Casino proximity

Over the past decade, urban casinos have been springing up all over the U. S. As more cities introduce casinos, casino gaming opportunities are being brought closer to major metropolitan areas. Therefore, they are closer to the homes and workplaces of casino patrons (Conway, 2015; Hing and Nisbet, 2010; Tong and Chim, 2013; Welte et al., The legalization of gambling, the widespread availability of casinos, and the social acceptance of casino gaming in the United States have increased the opportunities for casino participation in urban areas and made casinos available to adults as entertainment and social venues (Ashley and Boehlke, 2012; Conway, 2015; Martin Et al., 2015). However, urban casinos, as the newest type of on-court casino, have not been fully examined in the literature (Conway, 2015).

Commercial casinos in the Northeast currently include resort casinos and destination casinos in Las Vegas. Resort casinos are also called destination casinos because they are located in destinations and major casino markets such as Atlantic City, Connecticut, and Las Vegas. Thus, destination casinos offer full-service amenities such as hotel accommodations, spas, dining options, entertainment options, and several gaming options, including live dealers (American Casino Guide, n. d.; Economopoulos, 2015). Resort-type casinos, such as tribal casinos Mohegan Sun and Foxwoods, are not classified as commercial casinos, even though they offer full-scale amenities. However, there are only a few destination casinos located near major cities. Most are generally located in rural or suburban areas. MGM, located in National Harbor, Maryland, was the first resort-type destination casino to open in the Northeast Corridor, and is located approximately 14 miles from the Washington, D. C. metropolitan area (Google Maps, n. d.).

Initially, commercial casinos such as racinos opened in rural and suburban locations (Conway, 2015; Tolchard, 2015), but by the mid-2000s, some of the urban casinos and racinos found along the Northeast Corridor had opened in New York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore (American Casino Guide, N. D..., Conway, 2015). Because racinos are race-casino hybrids (Kelly and Catania, 2014; Welte et al., 2016a; Welte et al., 2016b), these gambling establishments are injected into environments that already have an existing gambling culture (Barnes et al., 2015). However, being a new phenomenon, few studies have been reported examining problem gambling in relation to the proximity of casinos in urban areas (Conway, 2015).

New York and Pennsylvania were granted casino operation licenses in 2004 (Tidwell et al., 2015). The Philadelphia metropolitan area surpassed New York with the opening of Harrah's Philadelphia Casino and Racetrack in 2007 and Parx and Cane casinos in 2010 (Conway, 2015). Maryland took another six years to obtain licenses and permits for casino operation (Tidwell et al., 2015). Nevertheless, the Baltimore metropolitan area saw its casinos open in 2012. The first metropolitan casino did not open until Live Casino opened in 2013. Two years later, the city of Baltimore opened Horseshoe Casino Baltimore in August 2014.

Located between Philadelphia's metro casinos and Baltimore's casinos, New York City opened its first urban casino, RWCNYC, in October 2011. Within a year of opening, RWCNYC's slot revenues surpassed those of tribal and destination land-based casinos in Connecticut and Atlantic City, respectively (Bagli, 2012). RWCNYC received extensive coverage in major media outlets, including the New York Times and the New York Daily News, as well as other local and regional media. RWCNYC also represented a return to the three metropolitan casinos in Philadelphia (Conway, 2015) and the Baltimore metropolitan area's Live Casino. Empire City Casino, another racino, opened in October 2011. Empire City previously opened in Yonkers, New York in 2007 and is easily accessible from New York City (Google Maps, N. D.), but Yonkers is not considered part of metropolitan New York, and Empire City is also outdated. There are no urban casinos on the Connecticut coast or in the greater Boston area.

Exposure and adaptation theories

Leusino, unlike the description casinos, is not a new form of gambling, but is a new phenomenon that is operated in large cities, especially the northeastern large cities (CONWAY, 2015). For example, New York's Finger Lakes Game, Laystrack, and Batavia Batavia Downs Casino were traditional racetracks that were redefined when the casino was added in 2004 and 2005, respectively. CATANIA, 2014). RWCNYC in the New York metropolitan area and Empire City in Yonkers, New York are on the extension of existing races with gambling culture. Atlantic because of the proximity of RWCNYC and the Empire City, the ease of access from the New York metropolitan area, 15 to 20 minutes by car from Manhattan to Midtown, and 45 minutes by public transport (Google Maps, N. D.). It will be possible to take two hours by car to Citi, Connecticut, and Mojigansan Casino in Connetcut.

Similarly, PARX, located near the Metro area of Philadelphia, opened as Keystone Racetrack in 1974, but until PARX was officially opened as a commercial casino in December 2010 (CONWAY, 2015). Goed. Harrahs Philadelphia Casino and Racetrack in Chester, 5 Miles from Philadelphi's 30th Street Station (Google Maps, N. D) ino in 2007, But in 2010 Live Gaming Allowed (CONWAY, 2015; Parmley, 2010). Sugarhouse CASINO, CASINO PHILADELPHIA, Is an Urban Stand-Alone COMMERCIAL CASINO WITHOUT A THE PHILADELPHIA METRO AREA> Leusino, unlike the description casino, is not a new form of gambling, but a big city, In particular, Racino, operated in a large city in the northeastern part, is a new phenomenon (CONWAY, 2015). For example, New York's Finger Lakes Game, Laystrack, and Batavia Batavia Downs Casino were traditional racetracks that were redefined when the casino was added in 2004 and 2005, respectively. CATANIA, 2014). RWCNYC in the New York metropolitan area and Empire City in Yonkers, New York are on the extension of existing races with gambling culture. Atlantic because of the proximity of RWCNYC and the Empire City, the ease of access from the New York metropolitan area, 15 to 20 minutes by car from Manhattan to Midtown, and 45 minutes by public transport (Google Maps, N. D.). It will be possible to take two hours by car to Citi, Connecticut, and Mojigansan Casino in Connetcut.

Similarly, PARX, located near the Metro area of Philadelphia, opened as Keystone Racetrack in 1974, but until PARX was officially opened as a commercial casino in December 2010 (CONWAY, 2015). Goed. Harrahs Philadelphia Casino and Racetrack in Chester, 5 Miles from Philadelphi's 30th Street Station (Google Maps, N. D) ino in 2007, But in 2010 Live Gaming Allowed (CONWAY, 2015; Parmley, 2010). Sugarhouse CASINO, CASINO PHILADELPHIA, Is An Urban Stand-Alone CASINO WITHOUT A THE PHILADELPHIA METRO AREA. , Unlike the destination casinos, it is not a new form of gambling, but it is a big city, especially the northeast. The Ratino operated in a major city is a new phenomenon (CONWAY, 2015). For example, New York's Finger Lakes Game, Laystrack, and Batavia Batavia Downs Casino were traditional racetracks that were redefined when the casino was added in 2004 and 2005, respectively. CATANIA, 2014). RWCNYC in the New York metropolitan area and Empire City in Yonkers, New York are on the extension of existing races with gambling culture. Atlantic because of the proximity of RWCNYC and the Empire City, the ease of access from the New York metropolitan area, 15 to 20 minutes by car from Manhattan to Midtown, and 45 minutes by public transport (Google Maps, N. D.). It will be possible to take two hours by car to Citi, Connecticut, and Mojigansan Casino in Connetcut.

Adaptation theory

On the other hand, there is no Le shin in the metropolitan area of Baltimore. Nevertheless, in December 2016, the MGM decorated the Skyline of the National Harbor in Maryland and joined both urban casinos and descriptio n-type resort casinos. MGM is the first large MSA to open a larg e-scale MSA, which opened close to 14 miles (Google Maps, N. D.) from the Washington D. C. Metro area. The Baltimore Metro also has an urban casino and horseshoe in downtown Baltimore, about 13 miles away from the vibrant casino in Hannover, and is only five miles from the BWI Amtrak station. There is no racetrack for live performances or horseshoe, but it is within 10 to 15 miles from the Racecourse (Google Maps, n. D.), which has been held since 1911. As a whole, Ratino offers more gambling opportunities based on the established gambling culture of betting. However, there are still few research on urban casinos, regardless of the presence or absence of Ratino. There is even less research on how the proximity of the northeastern urban casinos affect the host community.

In general, gambling legalization and regulations help change the perceptions of gambling, as the legal gambling activities are favorably seen (Ashley and Boehlke, 2012; Petry and Blanco, 2013). Lottery and scratc h-off tickets that have evolved from legalization are still easy to obtain at many local facilities as part of everyday activities for many American adults (Petry and Blanco, 2013). The inflow of casino gambling, including the new urban casino gambling style (CONWAY, 2015), also causes a comprehensive casino gambling to be pushed up as the mainstream of American entertainment (2011; stansbury etc., 2015; Thompson; AND MCNEILLY, 2016? , but in the metropolitan area of Baltimore, there is still no MGM, but MGM decorates the Skyline of Mary Land, urban casinos and a dustinatio n-type resort casino. Both MGMs are about 14 miles from the Washington D. C. Metro area. There is an urban casino and horseshoe in downtown Baltimore, about 13 miles away from the lively casino, and there are only five miles from BWI Amtrak stations. It is within 10 to 15 miles of the racetrack (Google Maps, n. D.), where horse racing has been held since 1911, and provides more gambling opportunities based on the established gambling culture. However, there is still little research on urban casinos, regardless of the presence or absence of Lacino. few.

In general, gambling legalization and regulations help change the perceptions of gambling, as the legal gambling activities are favorably seen (Ashley and Boehlke, 2012; Petry and Blanco, 2013). Lottery and scratc h-off tickets that have evolved from legalization are still easy to obtain at many local facilities as part of everyday activities for many American adults (Petry and Blanco, 2013). The inflow of casino gambling, including the new urban casino gambling style (CONWAY, 2015), also causes a comprehensive casino gambling to be pushed up as the mainstream of American entertainment (2011; stansbury etc., 2015; Thompson; AND MCNEILLY, 2016? In the metropolitan area of Baltimore, there is still no MGM, but MGM decorates the skyline of the Mary Land and both the urban casino and the destinatio n-type resort casino. MGM is the first large MSA to open the Northeast Urban Resort Casino, which is about 14 miles from the Washington D. C. Metro area. There is also an urban casino and horseshoe in downtown Baltimore, about 13 miles away from a vibrant casino, and has only five miles from the BWI Amtrak station, but since 1911. It is within 10 to 15 miles of the racetrack (Google Maps, n. However, there is still little research on urban casinos, regardless of the presence of Leusino.

Gambling disorder

In the northeastern part, urban casino gaming is even closer, can be used and accepted. However, the risk of increasing participation in urban casinos can affect the spread of gamblin g-related issues such as economic distress, mental illness, and health issues (ariyabuddhiphongs, 2012; Conway, 2015; Martin et al. There are few research on urban casinos and how it affects the host environment in large cities.

As a result of a more broad literature, the clear definition of the casino nearby was not clear. Griswold and Nichols (2006) revealed that if the proximity of the casino is defined as 15 miles or more from MSA, the variable size (the proximity of the casino) will be reduced and it will not be statistically important (p. 390). Similarly, the time / distance used by individuals or groups to reach the casino was used in research that determined the accessibility of the casino and the proximity of the casino (CONWAY, 2015; ROBITAILLE AND HERJEAN, 2008). 。 There is a literature that defines the casino proximity as "physical distance or operation distance between the resident's home and the nearest casino" (Tong and Chim, 2013, P. 4; Welte et al ., 2004), other research shows that the distance between the casino game venue and the personal home differ depending on the definition of the researcher's casino proximity (Laplante and Shaffer, 2007; Tong and Chim, 2013). . In the northeastern part, urban casino gaming is even closer and acceptable and accepted. However, the risk of increasing participation in urban casinos can affect the spread of gamblin g-related issues such as economic distress, mental illness, and health issues (ariyabuddhiphongs, 2012; Conway, 2015; Martin et al. There are few research on urban casinos and how it affects the host environment in large cities.

As a result of a more broad literature, the clear definition of the casino nearby was not clear. Griswold and Nichols (2006) revealed that if the proximity of the casino is defined as 15 miles or more from MSA, the variable size (the proximity of the casino) will be reduced and it will not be statistically important (p. 390). Similarly, the time / distance used by individuals or groups to reach the casino was used in research that determined the accessibility of the casino and the proximity of the casino (CONWAY, 2015; ROBITAILLE AND HERJEAN, 2008). 。 There is a literature that defines the casino proximity as "physical distance or operation distance between the resident's home and the nearest casino" (Tong and Chim, 2013, P. 4; Welte et al ., 2004), other research shows that the distance between the casino game venue and the personal home differ depending on the definition of the researcher's casino proximity (Laplante and Shaffer, 2007; Tong and Chim, 2013). . In the northeastern part, urban casino gaming is even closer, can be used and accepted. However, the risk of increasing participation in urban casinos can affect the spread of gamblin g-related issues such as economic distress, mental illness, and health issues (ariyabuddhiphongs, 2012; Conway, 2015; Martin et al. There are few research on urban casinos and how it affects the host environment in large cities.

Discussion

A survey conducted nationwide for the National Gambling Impact Study Commission (US Gambling Investigation Committee) reported that casinos, located within 50 miles from personal homes, were contributed to gamblin g-related issues. (Gerstein et al., 1999, p. 10; welte et al., 2016a, p. 2). A previous survey reported that a casino located in 10 miles from a personal home showed the possibility of gamblin g-related issues (Welte et al., 2004). Tong and chim (2013) are also different depending on the research in which the terms of high casino melee, low, and low casino proximity are different because there are no standardized definitions, measurements, or tools to determine the proximity of casinos. I found that. However, these studies are conducted before a large amount of urban casinos and racino (Tong and Chim, 2013; Welte et al.

CONWAY (2015) PHILADELPHIA URBAN CASINO case studies used vulnerability modeling to focus on the vulnerability of problem gambling in the Philadelphia commercial casino. Developed a vulnerability model of the geographic information system (GIS), the most vulnerable person in the gambling was determined to be based on the proximity scale of the casino. The survey shows that the three casinos in the city of Philadelphia are located in areas where individuals are likely to gamble, but are limited to secondary data. The firs t-known study reported the vulnerability of gambling in the Philadelphia urban casino community, as the firs t-known study reported the aspect of urban casino gambling in the largest metropolis in Megalopolis. CONWAY (2015) argued that the spread of casinos in large cities is different from the past where casinos were located in small and mediu m-sized cities. Therefore, there is a gap in literature on geographical research (p. 21). National Gambling Impact Impact Study Commission reported that a survey conducted nationwide for the U. S. Gambling Investigation Committee said that a casino located within 50 miles from a personal home was one of the gamblin g-related issues. It is (gerstein et al., 1999, p. 10; welte et al., 2016a, p. 2). A previous survey reported that a casino located in 10 miles from a personal home showed the possibility of gamblin g-related issues (Welte et al., 2004). Tong and chim (2013) are also different depending on the research in which the terms of high casino melee, low, and low casino proximity are different because there are no standardized definitions, measurements, or tools to determine the proximity of casinos. I found that. However, these studies are conducted before a large amount of urban casinos and racino (Tong and Chim, 2013; Welte et al.

CONWAY (2015) PHILADELPHIA URBAN CASINO case studies used vulnerability modeling to focus on the vulnerability of problem gambling in the Philadelphia commercial casino. Developed a vulnerability model of the geographic information system (GIS), the most vulnerable person in the gambling was determined to be based on the proximity scale of the casino. The survey shows that the three casinos in the city of Philadelphia are located in areas where individuals are likely to gamble, but are limited to secondary data. The firs t-known study reported the vulnerability of gambling in the Philadelphia urban casino community, as the firs t-known study reported the aspect of urban casino gambling in the largest metropolis in Megalopolis. CONWAY (2015) argued that the spread of casinos in large cities is different from the past where casinos were located in small and mediu m-sized cities. Therefore, there is a gap in literature on geographical research (p. 21). A survey conducted nationwide for the National Gambling Impact Study Commission (US Gambling Investigation Committee) reported that casinos, located within 50 miles from personal homes, were contributed to gamblin g-related issues. (Gerstein et al., 1999, p. 10; welte et al., 2016a, p. 2). A previous survey reported that a casino located in 10 miles from a personal home showed the possibility of gamblin g-related issues (Welte et al., 2004). Tong and chim (2013) are also different depending on the research in which the terms of high casino melee, low, and low casino proximity are different because there are no standardized definitions, measurements, or tools to determine the proximity of casinos. I found that. However, these studies are conducted before a large amount of urban casinos and racino (Tong and Chim, 2013; Welte et al.

CONWAY (2015) PHILADELPHIA URBAN CASINO case studies used vulnerability modeling to focus on the vulnerability of the problem gambling in Philadelphia's commercial casinos. Developed a vulnerability model of the geographic information system (GIS), the most vulnerable person in the gambling was determined to be based on the proximity scale of the casino. The survey shows that the three casinos in the urban areas of Philadelphia are located in areas where individuals are easily gambling, but are limited to secondary data. The firs t-known study reported the vulnerability of gambling in the Philadelphia urban casino community, as the firs t-known study reported the aspect of urban casino gambling in the largest metropolis in Megalopolis. CONWAY (2015) claimed that the spread of casinos in large cities is different from the past where casinos were located in small and mediu m-sized cities. Therefore, there is a gap in literature on geographical research (p. 21).

The proximity to the casino was also investigated in qualitative gambling research, and researchers (Thomas et al., 2011) reported that people who live near the casino are more likely to be a problem gambler. There is. Thomas et al. (2011) thought that the ease of access was multidimensional as one of the correlations to the casino, but "it is not yet fully understood" (p. 88). did. These results show that dependence on gambling facilities such as casinos could lead to gambling. However, research participants regarded gambling as a safe social activity.

Frequent gambling in casinos has some evidence that the risk of gamblin g-related issues such as gambling and gambling disorders can increase the risk of gamblin g-related issues (Ariyabuddhiphone, 2012; CONWAY, 2015; 2019; STANSBURY, STANSBURY et al., 2015; TolChard, 2015; Tong and chim, 2013). In addition, several authors report that proximity to the casino may increase the possibility of gambling participation based on proximity scale (Philander, 2019; Welte et al. Xouridas; et al., 2016). However, the construction of casino proximity has not been widely evaluated in urban casino research.

Two casin o-proximity ecological components (accessibility and availability) are investigated from the viewpoint of the framework of exposure theory (2007), and found relevant between casino proximity and problem gambling. It was done. In accordance with the framework of exposure theory, Shaffer et al. (2004) said that casinos could be called toxins, and if placed in the environment could lead to problem gamblin g-like infections. Other researchers (ConWay, 2015; Welte et al., 2017; Welte et al., 2016a; Welte et al., 2016b; 2016b; Welte et al. Xouridas et al., 2016) investigate this accessibility and configure It also reports that accessibility and availability are associated with gambling issues such as gambling. Although it is limited, the literature in this field also shows the ease of access to the casino and the highly gambling rate of the problem gambling due to the proximity (ariyabuddhiphongs, 2012? Tong and chim, 2013; Welte et al., 2016a Welte et al., 2016b).

Data availability

The first description of the exposure theory in the gambling literature dated back to Shaffer, Labrie and Laplante (2004), and tried to define a regional exposure model (REM) that quantified gambling research as a new research theme. According to (2004), the theory of exposure suggests that environmental toxins may increase the potential for such toxins. Researchers have discovered that gambling issues could affect the health and happiness of the local community and society as a whole from exposure to environmental toxins such as casinos. 2019).

References

Therefore, REM was designed to investigate various social phenomena, especially gambling, by associating the ease of physical axes to gambling facilities with such exposure. al., 2004; vasiliadis et al., 2013). In addition, Shaffer et al. (2004) explains that in addition to environmental factors, various social environments may affect gambling participation and adversely affect individuals and local communities. For example, gambling facilities are close to gambling and gambling, and employment by casinos and other gambling facilities may increase the level of toxicity and infection caused by exposure to gambling. (Shaffer et al.) Prentice and ZENG (2018) have reported gambling advertisements as a factor in gambling participation.
The theory of adaptation complements exposure theory, but is also a competing theory. The adaptation theory, which was introduced in gambling literature more than 10 years ago (Prentice and Zeng, 2018), suggests that resistance and adaptation to toxins can occur over time. The concept called "adaptation effect" indicates the adaptation in the "mature gambling market" (Hodgins and Petry, 2016, P. 1517; Shaffer, 2005). Prentice and ZENG (2018) assumed that individuals exposed to new environmental toxins could adapt over time, especially as the market reached saturated.
As a result, the adaptation theory has the adaptation and resistance to toxins over time after the adverse effects (gamblin g-related issues) exposed to these new environmental toxins (casinos). AND Shaffer, 2007) suggests that symptoms decrease (Hodgins and Petry, 2016; Prentice and Zeng, 2018). Welte et altogo (2017) explains in a previous study that individuals living in a maturated gambling community (such as Las Vegas and Atlantic City) do not gamble than those who are not. This hypothesis is settled on the description casinos in the mature gambling community (Hodgins and Petry, 2016; Shaffer, 2005). However, urban casino communities have not been empirically verified from the perspective of adaptation theory due to the novelty of this phenomenon.
The first contact with the toxin (casino) may lead to infection, but the increase in exposure to toxins (casinos) does not necessarily lead to an increase in gambling (Laplainte and Shaffer, 2007; Prentice and Zeng, 2018; Shaffer. et al., 2004). However, some studies (Welte et al., 2017; welte et al., 2016a; welte et al. XOURIDAS et al., 2016) may be able to participate in gambling based on the proximity scale. It is reported that there is a possibility of improving. In contrast, Prentice and Zeng (2018) has revealed that no decisive relationship between gambling exposure and related issues related to exposure has not been reported.
The double framework of exposure theory and adaptation is reported only in empirical research and primary data research (Shaffer et al., 2004; Welte et al, 2016b). Limited casino proximity and other gaming studies use the viewpoint of exposure theory, but there are few studies that use the viewpoint of adaptation theory (Prentice and Zeng, 2018; Welte et Al., 2016a, 2016a. 2016b). In addition, it has recently been reported that the aspect of adaptation theory is rarely applied in empirical data in casinos and gaming literature (Philander, 2019).
PHILANDER (2019) investigated the regional impact of casino use of gambling and occurring gambling issues. Philander (2019) discovered that both gambling participation and problem gambling increase after exposure to casinos increased. Focusing on the viewpoint of exposure and adaptation, larg e-scale research samples (n = 50. 048) covered the four states of Canada and examined each theory. Based on the results, Philander (2019) reports that "the empirical knowledge provides evidence of exposure and adaptability as described by Laplante and Shaffer (2007)" (p. 176). There is. However, due to the large sample size, there were limits such as the possibility of generalization for other research in the future.
A clear relationship between gambling disorders and approaching casinos justified the discussion in this literature review. Gambling disorders were previously called pathological gambling, but were renamed gambling, and Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders-Fifth Edition ([DSM-5], US Psychiatric Medicine, 2013?
The gambling of the problem is the second most severe gambling disorder. TRIC ASSOCIATION, 2000), 1 type or more (Barness et al. Gambling disorder and problem gambling are important in gambling in gambling and gambling for other purposes.
In gambling literature, gambling disorders and problem gambling are often used in the same sense. However, studies that investigate the social and economic aspects of casinos, casinos, and casino gambling (ashley and boehlke, 2012; Barness et al., 2013; Baxter et al. Philander. (2019), the local impact on the use of gambling and gamblin g-related issues (2019) has surveyed both gambling and problem gambling after exposure to casinos. Focusing on the exposure and adaptation, the four large research samples (N = 50. 048) were examined and examined the theory. "PHILANDER (2019) provides evidence of exposure and adaptation as described by Laplaine and Shaffer (P. 176). Due to its large size, there were limits such as generalization of other research in the future.
A clear relationship between gambling disorders and approaching casinos justified the discussion in this literature review. Gambling disorders were previously called pathological gambling, but were renamed gambling, and Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders-Fifth Edition ([DSM-5], US Psychiatric Medicine, 2013?
The gambling of the problem is the second most severe gambling disorder. TRIC ASSOCIATION, 2000), 1 type or more (Barness et al. Gambling disorder and problem gambling are important in gambling in gambling and gambling for other purposes.
In gambling literature, gambling disorders and problem gambling are often used in the same sense. However, studies investigating casinos, casinos, and casino gambling soci o-economic aspects (Ashley and Boehlke, 2012; Barness et al., 2013; Baxter et al. philander (2019) (2019). Surveyed the gambling and gambling of both gambling and gambling after exposure to casinos has increased in regional impacts on gambling participation and gamblin g-related issues. Focused on exposure and adaptation, and examined the four states of Canada and examined the results of each theory. 2019) reports that "the empirical knowledge provides evidence of exposure and adaptation power as mentioned by Laplaine and Shaffer (2007)" (P. 176). Therefore, there were limits such as the possibility of generalization for other research in the future.
A clear relationship between gambling disorders and approaching casinos justified the discussion in this literature review. Gambling disorders were previously called pathological gambling, but were renamed gambling, and Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders-Fifth Edition ([DSM-5], US Psychiatric Medicine, 2013?
The gambling of the problem is the second most severe gambling disorder. TRIC ASSOCIATION, 2000), 1 type or more (Barness et al. Gambling disorder and problem gambling are important in gambling in gambling and gambling for other purposes.
In gambling literature, gambling disorders and problem gambling are often used in the same sense. However, studies investigating casinos, casinos and social and economic aspects of casino gambling showed a common gambling (Ashley and Boehlke, 2012; Barness et al., 2013; Baxter et al.
As a whole, gamblin g-related issues that lead to problem gambling and gambling disorders are not discovered until the difficulties worsen. Gamblers, who experience gambling problems, suffer or hide such problems because of their shyness, shame, shame, guilt, and lack of knowledge. Al. Kerber et al; Gambling problems can lead to an increase in intervening, prevention, and treatment in social services (Gattis and Cunningham-Williams, 2011; Stansbury et al.), But research on gambling (Hodgins) And Petry, 2016; Thompson and McNeilly, 2016) and gambling education (Engels et al.)
Casinos are close to urban communities in metropolitan areas such as New York, Baltimoa, and Philadelphia means ease of access, ease of use, acceptance, or three AS and urban gambling. It has been supported by the predictive factors (Ariyabuddhiphone, 2012; CONWAY, 2015; TolChard, 2015). However, these ecological prediction factors have not been fully investigated in proximity research on urban casinos in the northeast. When examined for gamblin g-related issues such as proximity to casinos and gambling in the context of access to the casino and the possibility of use, the relationship was reported (ariyavuddhiphongs, 2012; confai, 2015; martin et al. , 2011; TOLCHARD, 2015; TSE et al. Accessibility and Availability are two important ecological factors that affect the participation in urban casinos based on proximity to urban casinos (CONWAY, 2015) ; 2015) Accessibility to the city casinos may alleviate the suburbs to participate in casino gambling. As a whole, gamblin g-related issues that lead to gambling and gambling disorders are not discovered until the difficulties worsen and are not discovered. Due to lack of knowledge about where to seek help, such problems can not be identified or hidden (Baxter et al. Kerber et al; gambling problems are intervening, preventing in social services, and preventing. Gattis and Cunningham-williams, 2011; Stansbury et al.) However ELS et al.)
Casinos are close to urban communities in metropolitan areas such as New York, Baltimoa, and Philadelphia means ease of access, ease of use, acceptance, or three AS and urban gambling. It has been supported by the predictive factors (Ariyabuddhiphone, 2012; CONWAY, 2015; TolChard, 2015). However, these ecological prediction factors have not been fully investigated in proximity research on urban casinos in the northeast. When examined for gamblin g-related issues such as proximity to casinos and gambling in the context of access to the casino and the possibility of use, the relationship was reported (ariyavuddhiphongs, 2012; confai, 2015; martin et al. , 2011; TOLCHARD, 2015; TSE et al. Accessibility and Availability are two important ecological factors that affect the participation in urban casinos based on proximity to urban casinos (CONWAY, 2015) ; 2015) Accessement and Availability may be alleviated as a whole to participate in casino gambling. Gamblin g-related problems that lead to gambling and gambling disorders are not discovered until the difficulties are deteriorated and are not discovered. Due to lack of knowledge about the location, such problems can not be identified or hidden (Baxter et al. Kerber et al; gambling problems are increasing in social services, prevention, and treatment. (Gattis and Cunningham-williams, 2011; stansbury et al.) However l.)
Casinos are close to urban communities in metropolitan areas such as New York, Baltimoa, and Philadelphia means ease of access, ease of use, acceptance, or three AS and urban gambling. It has been supported by the predictive factors (Ariyabuddhiphone, 2012; CONWAY, 2015; TolChard, 2015). However, these ecological prediction factors have not been fully investigated in proximity research on urban casinos in the northeast. When examined for gamblin g-related issues such as proximity to casinos and gambling in the context of access to the casino and the possibility of use, the relationship was reported (ariyavuddhiphongs, 2012; confai, 2015; martin et al. , 2011; TOLCHARD, 2015; TSE et al. Accessibility and Availability are two important ecological factors that affect the participation in urban casinos based on proximity to urban casinos (CONWAY, 2015) ; TolChard, 2015), in addition to the accessibility to the city casinos and the acceptance of Availability, it may alleviate the need to go to the suburbs to participate in casino gambling.
State governments continue to realize significant tax revenues from the legalization and regulation of gambling (Petry and Blanco, 2013). However, it is unclear how revenues from casino gambling in large Northeastern cities are returned to local communities. Researchers (Griswold and Nichols, 2006; Philander, 2019? Tolchard, 2015; Tong and Chim, 2013) explained that casinos can positively impact the socio-economic levels of local communities through employment, sponsorship of local events, and revitalization. Walker and Sobel (2016) suggested that such positive socio-economic benefits may occur over time, while Lim and Zhang (2017) argued that such realized gains are unsustainable. Conversely, casinos may also induce crime, create undesirable businesses (e. g., pawn shops, payday loans, and check cashing stores), and lead to problem gambling (Conway, 2015; Tolchard, 2015; Tong and Chim, 2013). Thus, casinos may have negative impacts on urban host cities despite the potential positive socio-economic benefits for the host economy. As urban casinos continue to grow in major cities in the Northeast Corridor, the changing ecological landscape of these urban communities requires a deeper understanding of how urban casinos affect the overall socio-economic conditions of these communities, including the risks and benefits of urban casinos. Additionally, several researchers (Barnes et al; Conway, 2015; Goss et al. Redmond, 2015; Welte et al., 2016a; Welte et al., 2016b) have noted that poor and disadvantaged areas have more gambling outlets than economically advantaged areas, and most urban casinos are located in areas that already have a gambling culture. Many urban casinos are also racetracks, so at least two types of gambling are offered (racetrack and casino). Northeastern urban racinos only operate VLT slots and electronic table games such as roulette and blackjack. As such, live dealers are not allowed. Slot machine play can be isolating without the availability of live dealers, which encourage a level of socialization. Additionally, slot machine games are the most addictive form of casino gambling (Welte et al.
While the exposure theory perspective has been used to focus casino proximity research, the adaptation theory perspective (Laplante and Shaffer, 2007; Prentice and Zeng, 2018) has not been empirically tested in proximity research or casino research. Also, no studies have found the simultaneous use of both theories. Considering the ecological factors (accessibility, availability, and acceptability) that influence casino participation, casino introduction in large cities, and socio-economic impacts as a result of increased ecological factors, the exposure and adaptation theories were appropriate to discuss the impact of casino proximity in urban casino communities in the Northeast.
This literature review provides practical implications for all stakeholders and shows the association between casino proximity and increased casino participation for three ecological predictors (accessibility, availability, and acceptability). Problem gambling and other gambling-related problems that are associated with casino proximity may affect socio-economic outcomes in urban casino communities, but Redmond (2015) suggested that as casinos increase, inequality at lower socio-economic levels also increases. Therefore, research is needed to examine urban casinos in major Northeastern cities and the impacts these casinos have on host and neighboring communities.
Prentice and Zeng (2018) observe that the casino business is one of the fastest growing industries in the world. Research on casinos has not kept pace with the changes in the ecosystem caused by the influx of urban casinos. Urban casinos remain a new phenomenon, especially in large Northeastern cities such as New York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore (Conway, 2015). Casino proximity as a construct in urban casino research continues to emerge. While this review may be of interest to the casino gaming industry, policy makers, and social service practitioners, the study focused on understanding the socio-economic impacts of urban casinos through casino proximity.
No data sets were created or analyzed in this study, so data sharing does not apply to this paper.
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Acknowledgements

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Last modified: 27.08.2024

Page 4. 1. This thesis reviews and assesses the impacts of casinos on host communities. based on the literature review and because I thought they. Results of this literature review also indicated that gambling-related problems from proximity to casinos could produce negative socio-economic outcomes for. "The impact of casino proximity on northeast urban communities: A literature review," Paulette J. Olgivie, Humanities and Social Sciences.

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The impact of casino proximity on northeast urban communities a literature review Humanities and

The impact of casino proximity on northeast urban communities: a literature review

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Introduction

Methods

Results from the literature

Historical overview of gambling

Casino-gambling overview

Major northeast casino-gambling outlets

Northeast corridor urban casinos

Casino proximity

Exposure and adaptation theories

Adaptation theory

Gambling disorder

Discussion

Data availability

References

Acknowledgements