What Do We Know About Gambling In New Zealand?

Public hygienic approaches to gambling policy depends on the precautions to provide education, information provision, and resource allocation to treatment. In this paper, there is no conclusion in important areas because existing research does not provide the evidence base necessary for such an approach, but tends to explore pathology instead of social processes. He argues that it is inconsistent. It is concluded that better research should be based on research that gamble is explorated in social and economic backgrounds.

Introduction

The gambling method established in September 2003 is a direct achievement of gambling review. This law aims to incorporate a "public hygienic approach" in gambling policy (Korn and Shaffer 1999; Department of Health 2002). However, such a policy approach depends on the cautious social economic analysis, which is a guideline of resource allocation to education, information, and treatment. Without a solid and true basis, the public health approach is the current heating version.

As a step in developing such an approach, this article asks if an existing research is providing evidenc e-based evidence base. The conclusions are unclear, or in important fields. The main reason for this gap is that existing research is designed to explore pathology, not social processes. Furthermore, there is a serious flaw in itself.

Conclusions that public hygienic approaches to gambling policy need to pursue different research issues in order to improve policy results. This agenda should be based on research that explores gambling in social and economic backgrounds.

The Public Health Approach

The 2003 gambling method has not defined the "public hygienic approach", but this approach has long been subject to considerable discussions among practitioners and policy proprietors (Bunkle 2000). It is based on the recognition that it is unlikely to succeed unless it takes into account social mechanics. Even worse, patholog y-based treatment providers are likely to actively deny the existence of widespread social and economic issues while robbing other researchers. As a result, the harmful social and economic impact of gambling may be ignored or not treated. < SPAN> Public hygiene approach to gambling policy depends on the careful social economic analysis to guide education, providing information, and treatment for treatment. In this paper, there is no conclusion in important areas because existing research does not provide the evidence base necessary for such an approach, but tends to explore pathology instead of social processes. He argues that it is inconsistent. It is concluded that better research should be based on research that gamble is explorated in social and economic backgrounds.

The gambling method established in September 2003 is a direct achievement of gambling review. This law aims to incorporate a "public hygienic approach" in gambling policy (Korn and Shaffer 1999; Department of Health 2002). However, such a policy approach depends on the cautious social economic analysis, which is a guideline of resource allocation to education, information, and treatment. Without a solid and true basis, the public health approach is the current heating version.

As a step in developing such an approach, this article asks if an existing research is providing evidenc e-based evidence base. The conclusions are unclear, or in important fields. The main reason for this gap is that existing research is designed to explore pathology, not social processes. Furthermore, there is a serious flaw in itself.

The Nature of Gambling

Information

Conclusions that public hygienic approaches to gambling policy need to pursue different research issues in order to improve policy results. This agenda should be based on research that explores gambling in social and economic backgrounds.

The 2003 gambling method has not defined the "public hygienic approach", but this approach has long been subject to considerable discussions among practitioners and policy proprietors (Bunkle 2000). It is based on the recognition that it is unlikely to succeed unless it takes into account social mechanics. Even worse, patholog y-based treatment providers are likely to actively deny the existence of widespread social and economic issues while robbing other researchers. As a result, the harmful social and economic impact of gambling may be ignored or not treated. Public hygienic approaches to gambling policy depends on the precautions to provide education, information provision, and resource allocation to treatment. In this paper, there is no conclusion in important areas because existing research does not provide the evidence base necessary for such an approach, but tends to explore pathology instead of social processes. He argues that it is inconsistent. It is concluded that better research should be based on research that gamble is explorated in social and economic backgrounds.

The gambling method established in September 2003 is a direct achievement of gambling review. This law aims to incorporate a "public approach" for gambling policies (Korn and Shaffer 1999; Department of Health 2002). However, such a policy approach depends on the cautious social economic analysis, which is a guideline of resource allocation to education, information, and treatment. Without a solid and true basis, the public health approach is the current heating version.

How Much Gambling?

As a step in developing such an approach, this article asks if an existing research is providing evidenc e-based evidence base. The conclusions are unclear, or in important fields. The main reason for this gap is that existing research is designed to explore pathology, not social processes. Furthermore, there is a serious flaw in itself.

Conclusions that public hygienic approaches to gambling policy need to pursue different research issues in order to improve policy results. This agenda should be based on research that explores gambling in social and economic backgrounds.

The 2003 gambling method has not defined the "public hygienic approach", but this approach has long been subject to considerable discussions among practitioners and policy proprietors (Bunkle 2000). It is based on the recognition that it is unlikely to succeed unless it takes into account social mechanics. Even worse, patholog y-based treatment providers are likely to actively deny the existence of widespread social and economic issues while robbing other researchers. As a result, the harmful social and economic impact of gambling may be ignored or not treated.

Who Gambles?

Public hygienic approaches are to focus on groups rather than individuals, and to respond to mental and economic problems based on social and economic factors. This is called this to put gambling in a context that is safe for individuals and does not confuse society in general. A publi c-hygiene approach to gambling is to take into account the costs and profits of gambling to both individuals and the local community. The purpose is to develop a strategy to minimize the adverse effects of gambling and to develop potential profits.

Therefore, the public approach to gambling policies aims to promote healthy and responsible gambling behavior among all members of society, aiming to specially regard the gambling addiction. Not a thing. A healthy gambling requires a good choice with sufficient information, improving the happiness of gambling dependents and local communities. The feature of the public hygiene approach is that it is generally, widely used, and is provided through a local community and provided through an institution that is managed in the local community and rooted in the local community (Bunkle and Lepper, 2002). Therefore, the casino (both virtual and physical) and the unlimited Pocky, which are profitable, do not match public hygiene approaches to gambling.

Gender Ratio

There are three main information sources about New Zealand gambling. First, there is an administrative collection in which data is collected in the process associated with tax, approval, procedure, etc. Second, the data obtained from a survey of the disease rate, gambling awareness, and the status of participation in gambling. Third, there is data created by a general statistical system, which includes an industrial association survey conducted to hear the casino administration bureau.

The most developed sources are the first and second categories. Here, the Ministry of Home Affairs (DIA) is particularly aggressive, outsourcing two larg e-scale illness rates and regular awareness surveys. It also publishes data from treatment providers, the number of game consoles, and gambling expenditures. However, there are few data on the flow, employment, and added value of the gambling industry. < SPAN> Public hygienic approach is to focus on groups rather than individuals and respond to mental and economic problems, based on social and economic factors. This is called this to put gambling in a context that is safe for individuals and does not confuse society in general. A publi c-hygiene approach to gambling is to take into account the costs and profits of gambling to both individuals and the local community. The purpose is to develop a strategy to minimize the adverse effects of gambling and to develop potential profits.

Therefore, the public approach to gambling policies aims to promote healthy and responsible gambling behavior among all members of society, aiming to specially regard the gambling addiction. Not a thing. A healthy gambling requires a good choice with sufficient information, improving the happiness of gambling dependents and local communities. The feature of the public hygiene approach is that it is generally, widely used, and is provided through a local community and provided through an institution that is managed in the local community and rooted in the local community (Bunkle and Lepper, 2002). Therefore, the casino (both virtual and physical) and the unlimited Pocky, which are profitable, do not match public hygiene approaches to gambling.

There are three main information sources about New Zealand gambling. First, there is an administrative collection in which data is collected in the process associated with tax, approval, procedure, etc. Second, the data obtained from a survey of the disease rate, gambling awareness, and the status of participation in gambling. Third, there is data created by a general statistical system, which includes an industrial association survey conducted to hear the casino administration bureau.			The most developed sources are the first and second categories. Here, the Ministry of Home Affairs (DIA) is particularly aggressive, outsourcing two larg e-scale illness rates and regular awareness surveys. It also publishes data from treatment providers, the number of game consoles, and gambling expenditures. However, there are few data on the flow, employment, and added value of the gambling industry. Public hygienic approaches are to focus on groups rather than individuals, and to respond to mental and economic problems based on social and economic factors. This is called this to put gambling in a context that is safe for individuals and does not confuse society in general. A publi c-hygiene approach to gambling is to take into account the costs and profits of gambling to both individuals and the local community. The purpose is to develop a strategy to minimize the adverse effects of gambling and to develop potential profits.
1990	1995	2000	1990	1995	2000	Therefore, the public approach to gambling policies aims to promote healthy and responsible gambling behavior among all members of society, aiming to specially regard the gambling addiction. Not a thing. A healthy gambling requires a good choice with sufficient information, improving the happiness of gambling dependents and local communities. The feature of the public hygiene approach is that it is generally, widely used, and is provided through a local community and provided through an institution that is managed in the local community and rooted in the local community (Bunkle and Lepper, 2002). Therefore, the casino (both virtual and physical) and the unlimited Pocky, which are profitable, do not match public hygiene approaches to gambling.
There are three main information sources about New Zealand gambling. First, there is an administrative collection in which data is collected in the process associated with tax, approval, procedure, etc. Second, the data obtained from a survey of the disease rate, gambling awareness, and the status of participation in gambling. Third, there is data created by a general statistical system, which includes an industrial association survey conducted to hear the casino administration bureau.	77	79	80	79	82	70	The most developed sources are the first and second categories. Here, the Ministry of Home Affairs (DIA) is particularly aggressive, outsourcing two larg e-scale illness rates and regular awareness surveys. It also publishes data from treatment providers, the number of game consoles, and gambling expenditures. However, there are few data on the flow, employment, and added value of the gambling industry.
Usually, most people are considered benign activity, but for a small number of people, gambling looks like a mental illness (abbott and volberg 1991, 1999; Easton 2002). Such a pathological point of view means that many of the more broad problems surrounding gambling are invisible. It also means that the collected data does not always match social reality. These points will be explained by verifying the obtained data whether you can provide reliable information about the essence of gambling. 2	According to the official figures, gaming products such as casinos, unlimited betting machines in casinos, no n-casino machines, lottery, scratches, sports betting, etc., which have a betting money of $ 2. 50 per game, have increased dramatically. Especially after 1990. In the 10 years since 1993, six casinos opened in over 4 million population. In December 2003, there were more than 22. 000 gambling machines other than casinos, one of the domestic women, men and 180 children. With the increase in gambling population and the concentration of gambling opportunities, New Zealand is an effective experimental site to understand the dynamics of gambling.	12	7	According to the official figures, gaming products such as casinos, unlimited betting machines in casinos, no n-casino machines, lottery, scratches, sports betting, etc., which have a betting money of $ 2. 50 per game, have increased dramatically. Especially after 1990. In the 10 years since 1993, six casinos opened in over 4 million population. In December 2003, there were more than 22. 000 gambling machines other than casinos, one of the domestic women, men and 180 children. With the increase in gambling population and the concentration of gambling opportunities, New Zealand is an effective experimental site to understand the dynamics of gambling.	10	5	The official data has identified municipalities with gaming machines, but it has not been identified where and what social backgrounds are installed. 5 The mayor of Manukau City has requested a detailed investigation of a place where the game machine is running in the city. According to the report, it has been revealed that gaming machines are concentrated in lo w-social and no n-blessed areas. 6. The survey was reproduced throughout New Zealand by Wheeler. Wheeler has revealed that 53 % of the gaming machines are installed in 30 % of the most blessed areas based on the 2003 gambling machine data and the 2001 census data (Wheeler 2003).
According to Abbott and Volberg (2000), the percentage of adults regularly gambling fell to about 40, 8% in 1991 (abbott and volberg 1991) 7 to about 40, 8% in 1999. 2000: 97).	66	62	53	65	53	43	This result has been generally confirmed in AMY (2001). According to the 9 Amey, the weekly gambling rate in 2000 has fallen since 1995, excluding a slight increase in the recorded casino and a slot machine that did not change (2001: 19). Table 2. 5).
Abbott and Volberg study indicates that there is a major change in the gender composition of the players. Updating their data, in 1991, about 10, 699. 550 men were regular players (at least a weekly player) for regular plune (at least players playing every week). In 1999, men were 566. In this way, women's regular gamers increased on average between 5. 1 % per year between 1991 and 1999, while men average 2. 2 % per year. It is decreasing. 11 In other words, in 1991, about 1, 86 men played regularly for one woman, but in 1999 it was about 1, 05 men for one woman. 。 The data suggests that men and women's patterns converge, and in 1999, women's activity was almost the same as men.	According to the official figures, gaming products such as casinos, unlimited betting machines in casinos, no n-casino machines, lottery, scratches, sports betting, etc., which have a betting money of $ 2. 50 per game, have increased dramatically. Especially after 1990. In the 10 years since 1993, six casinos opened in over 4 million population. In December 2003, there were more than 22. 000 gambling machines other than casinos, one of the domestic women, men and 180 children. With the increase in gambling population and the concentration of gambling opportunities, New Zealand is an effective experimental site to understand the dynamics of gambling.	According to the official figures, gaming products such as casinos, unlimited betting machines in casinos, no n-casino machines, lottery, scratches, sports betting, etc., which have a betting money of $ 2. 50 per game, have increased dramatically. Especially after 1990. In the 10 years since 1993, six casinos opened in over 4 million population. In December 2003, there were more than 22. 000 gambling machines other than casinos, one of the domestic women, men and 180 children. With the increase in gambling population and the concentration of gambling opportunities, New Zealand is an effective experimental site to understand the dynamics of gambling.	23	According to the official figures, gaming products such as casinos, unlimited betting machines in casinos, no n-casino machines, lottery, scratches, sports betting, etc., which have a betting money of $ 2. 50 per game, have increased dramatically. Especially after 1990. In the 10 years since 1993, six casinos opened in over 4 million population. In December 2003, there were more than 22. 000 gambling machines other than casinos, one of the domestic women, men and 180 children. With the increase in gambling population and the concentration of gambling opportunities, New Zealand is an effective experimental site to understand the dynamics of gambling.	According to the official figures, gaming products such as casinos, unlimited betting machines in casinos, no n-casino machines, lottery, scratches, sports betting, etc., which have a betting money of $ 2. 50 per game, have increased dramatically. Especially after 1990. In the 10 years since 1993, six casinos opened in over 4 million population. In December 2003, there were more than 22. 000 gambling machines other than casinos, one of the domestic women, men and 180 children. With the increase in gambling population and the concentration of gambling opportunities, New Zealand is an effective experimental site to understand the dynamics of gambling.	16	Source: amy 2001
Types of random games	According to the official figures, gaming products such as casinos, unlimited betting machines in casinos, no n-casino machines, lottery, scratches, sports betting, etc., which have a betting money of $ 2. 50 per game, have increased dramatically. Especially after 1990. In the 10 years since 1993, six casinos opened in over 4 million population. In December 2003, there were more than 22. 000 gambling machines other than casinos, one of the domestic women, men and 180 children. With the increase in gambling population and the concentration of gambling opportunities, New Zealand is an effective experimental site to understand the dynamics of gambling.	According to the official figures, gaming products such as casinos, unlimited betting machines in casinos, no n-casino machines, lottery, scratches, sports betting, etc., which have a betting money of $ 2. 50 per game, have increased dramatically. Especially after 1990. In the 10 years since 1993, six casinos opened in over 4 million population. In December 2003, there were more than 22. 000 gambling machines other than casinos, one of the domestic women, men and 180 children. With the increase in gambling population and the concentration of gambling opportunities, New Zealand is an effective experimental site to understand the dynamics of gambling.	5	According to the official figures, gaming products such as casinos, unlimited betting machines in casinos, no n-casino machines, lottery, scratches, sports betting, etc., which have a betting money of $ 2. 50 per game, have increased dramatically. Especially after 1990. In the 10 years since 1993, six casinos opened in over 4 million population. In December 2003, there were more than 22. 000 gambling machines other than casinos, one of the domestic women, men and 180 children. With the increase in gambling population and the concentration of gambling opportunities, New Zealand is an effective experimental site to understand the dynamics of gambling.	According to the official figures, gaming products such as casinos, unlimited betting machines in casinos, no n-casino machines, lottery, scratches, sports betting, etc., which have a betting money of $ 2. 50 per game, have increased dramatically. Especially after 1990. In the 10 years since 1993, six casinos opened in over 4 million population. In December 2003, there were more than 22. 000 gambling machines other than casinos, one of the domestic women, men and 180 children. With the increase in gambling population and the concentration of gambling opportunities, New Zealand is an effective experimental site to understand the dynamics of gambling.	12	Table 3. 55
Instant kiwi	24	19	18	33	30	18	Table 3 30 Pages 68
Telecommunication	21	21	15	25	25	18	N. A.
N. A.	According to the official figures, gaming products such as casinos, unlimited betting machines in casinos, no n-casino machines, lottery, scratches, sports betting, etc., which have a betting money of $ 2. 50 per game, have increased dramatically. Especially after 1990. In the 10 years since 1993, six casinos opened in over 4 million population. In December 2003, there were more than 22. 000 gambling machines other than casinos, one of the domestic women, men and 180 children. With the increase in gambling population and the concentration of gambling opportunities, New Zealand is an effective experimental site to understand the dynamics of gambling.	5	15	According to the official figures, gaming products such as casinos, unlimited betting machines in casinos, no n-casino machines, lottery, scratches, sports betting, etc., which have a betting money of $ 2. 50 per game, have increased dramatically. Especially after 1990. In the 10 years since 1993, six casinos opened in over 4 million population. In December 2003, there were more than 22. 000 gambling machines other than casinos, one of the domestic women, men and 180 children. With the increase in gambling population and the concentration of gambling opportunities, New Zealand is an effective experimental site to understand the dynamics of gambling.	6	16	Table 3 39 page 79
Sports	9	9	5	2	3	2	N. A.

N. A.

Who Doesn't Gamble?

N. A.

N. A.

1991	1999
There are three main information sources about New Zealand gambling. First, there is an administrative collection in which data is collected in the process associated with tax, approval, procedure, etc. Second, the data obtained from a survey of the disease rate, gambling awareness, and the status of participation in gambling. Third, there is data created by a general statistical system, which includes an industrial association survey conducted to hear the casino administration bureau.	The most developed sources are the first and second categories. Here, the Ministry of Home Affairs (DIA) is particularly aggressive, outsourcing two larg e-scale illness rates and regular awareness surveys. It also publishes data from treatment providers, the number of game consoles, and gambling expenditures. However, there are few data on the flow, employment, and added value of the gambling industry. Public hygienic approaches are to focus on groups rather than individuals, and to respond to mental and economic problems based on social and economic factors. This is called this to put gambling in a context that is safe for individuals and does not confuse society in general. A publi c-hygiene approach to gambling is to take into account the costs and profits of gambling to both individuals and the local community. The purpose is to develop a strategy to minimize the adverse effects of gambling and to develop potential profits.	Table 3 71 page 127	There are three main information sources about New Zealand gambling. First, there is an administrative collection in which data is collected in the process associated with tax, approval, procedure, etc. Second, the data obtained from a survey of the disease rate, gambling awareness, and the status of participation in gambling. Third, there is data created by a general statistical system, which includes an industrial association survey conducted to hear the casino administration bureau.	The most developed sources are the first and second categories. Here, the Ministry of Home Affairs (DIA) is particularly aggressive, outsourcing two larg e-scale illness rates and regular awareness surveys. It also publishes data from treatment providers, the number of game consoles, and gambling expenditures. However, there are few data on the flow, employment, and added value of the gambling industry. Public hygienic approaches are to focus on groups rather than individuals, and to respond to mental and economic problems based on social and economic factors. This is called this to put gambling in a context that is safe for individuals and does not confuse society in general. A publi c-hygiene approach to gambling is to take into account the costs and profits of gambling to both individuals and the local community. The purpose is to develop a strategy to minimize the adverse effects of gambling and to develop potential profits.	Table 3 71 page 127
N. A.	N. A.	Table 3. 83 P. 142	House	Table 3 47 page 90	In the early 1990s, gambling was mainly for men, but by the end of the decade, women also began to gamble. All data indicate that fewer men (both proportionally and in absolute terms) gamble now compared to the early 1990s. However, it is not clear whether the change in the gender ratio is due to increased female participation or to a slower decline in female participation than in males. 12 The socio-economic factors behind this change are even less clear.	Abbott and Volberg showed that, overall, the number of men and women who did not gamble increased in the 1990s. In 1991, 11% of all adults had never gambled or had not gambled in the past six months (Abbott and Volberg 2000: 101). In 1999, this figure rose to 13. 8% (see Table 2). Amy also reported an overall increase in the proportion of non-gamblers from 10% to 13% (2001: 12 table 2. 2).
Table 2 Never and regular gamblers in New Zealand by gender, 1991 and 1999	Female	Male	Total	Female	Male	Total

Never

159. 500

80. 850

Why Do People Gamble?

240. 350

201. 031

172. 079				373. 110
Regular	362. 850	674. 300			1. 037. 150
Table 3 71 page 127	There are three main information sources about New Zealand gambling. First, there is an administrative collection in which data is collected in the process associated with tax, approval, procedure, etc. Second, the data obtained from a survey of the disease rate, gambling awareness, and the status of participation in gambling. Third, there is data created by a general statistical system, which includes an industrial association survey conducted to hear the casino administration bureau.	The most developed sources are the first and second categories. Here, the Ministry of Home Affairs (DIA) is particularly aggressive, outsourcing two larg e-scale illness rates and regular awareness surveys. It also publishes data from treatment providers, the number of game consoles, and gambling expenditures. However, there are few data on the flow, employment, and added value of the gambling industry. Public hygienic approaches are to focus on groups rather than individuals, and to respond to mental and economic problems based on social and economic factors. This is called this to put gambling in a context that is safe for individuals and does not confuse society in general. A publi c-hygiene approach to gambling is to take into account the costs and profits of gambling to both individuals and the local community. The purpose is to develop a strategy to minimize the adverse effects of gambling and to develop potential profits.	Table 3 71 page 127	Table 3 71 page 127
Throughout the 1990s, the reasons for gambling have not changed. More than half of the gambling dependents have consistently answered that they will "gamble to win money." In this regard, New Zealand is similar to Victoria, Australia (see Table 3).	57	52	55	53	59
Table 3 Reasons for gambling (by gender) (New Zealand, Australia) 1991 and 1999	30	36	38	37	19
new zealand	19	30	25	28	27
Australia	15	14	17	15	38
The percentage of gamblers who answered (multiple answers possible)	15	12	13	13	22
1991α	7	4	4	4	According to the official figures, gaming products such as casinos, unlimited betting machines in casinos, no n-casino machines, lottery, scratches, sports betting, etc., which have a betting money of $ 2. 50 per game, have increased dramatically. Especially after 1990. In the 10 years since 1993, six casinos opened in over 4 million population. In December 2003, there were more than 22. 000 gambling machines other than casinos, one of the domestic women, men and 180 children. With the increase in gambling population and the concentration of gambling opportunities, New Zealand is an effective experimental site to understand the dynamics of gambling.
1999C	7	6	6	6	According to the official figures, gaming products such as casinos, unlimited betting machines in casinos, no n-casino machines, lottery, scratches, sports betting, etc., which have a betting money of $ 2. 50 per game, have increased dramatically. Especially after 1990. In the 10 years since 1993, six casinos opened in over 4 million population. In December 2003, there were more than 22. 000 gambling machines other than casinos, one of the domestic women, men and 180 children. With the increase in gambling population and the concentration of gambling opportunities, New Zealand is an effective experimental site to understand the dynamics of gambling.
woman	2	3	3	3	According to the official figures, gaming products such as casinos, unlimited betting machines in casinos, no n-casino machines, lottery, scratches, sports betting, etc., which have a betting money of $ 2. 50 per game, have increased dramatically. Especially after 1990. In the 10 years since 1993, six casinos opened in over 4 million population. In December 2003, there were more than 22. 000 gambling machines other than casinos, one of the domestic women, men and 180 children. With the increase in gambling population and the concentration of gambling opportunities, New Zealand is an effective experimental site to understand the dynamics of gambling.
male	According to the official figures, gaming products such as casinos, unlimited betting machines in casinos, no n-casino machines, lottery, scratches, sports betting, etc., which have a betting money of $ 2. 50 per game, have increased dramatically. Especially after 1990. In the 10 years since 1993, six casinos opened in over 4 million population. In December 2003, there were more than 22. 000 gambling machines other than casinos, one of the domestic women, men and 180 children. With the increase in gambling population and the concentration of gambling opportunities, New Zealand is an effective experimental site to understand the dynamics of gambling.	According to the official figures, gaming products such as casinos, unlimited betting machines in casinos, no n-casino machines, lottery, scratches, sports betting, etc., which have a betting money of $ 2. 50 per game, have increased dramatically. Especially after 1990. In the 10 years since 1993, six casinos opened in over 4 million population. In December 2003, there were more than 22. 000 gambling machines other than casinos, one of the domestic women, men and 180 children. With the increase in gambling population and the concentration of gambling opportunities, New Zealand is an effective experimental site to understand the dynamics of gambling.	According to the official figures, gaming products such as casinos, unlimited betting machines in casinos, no n-casino machines, lottery, scratches, sports betting, etc., which have a betting money of $ 2. 50 per game, have increased dramatically. Especially after 1990. In the 10 years since 1993, six casinos opened in over 4 million population. In December 2003, there were more than 22. 000 gambling machines other than casinos, one of the domestic women, men and 180 children. With the increase in gambling population and the concentration of gambling opportunities, New Zealand is an effective experimental site to understand the dynamics of gambling.	According to the official figures, gaming products such as casinos, unlimited betting machines in casinos, no n-casino machines, lottery, scratches, sports betting, etc., which have a betting money of $ 2. 50 per game, have increased dramatically. Especially after 1990. In the 10 years since 1993, six casinos opened in over 4 million population. In December 2003, there were more than 22. 000 gambling machines other than casinos, one of the domestic women, men and 180 children. With the increase in gambling population and the concentration of gambling opportunities, New Zealand is an effective experimental site to understand the dynamics of gambling.	12
Socialization	2	According to the official figures, gaming products such as casinos, unlimited betting machines in casinos, no n-casino machines, lottery, scratches, sports betting, etc., which have a betting money of $ 2. 50 per game, have increased dramatically. Especially after 1990. In the 10 years since 1993, six casinos opened in over 4 million population. In December 2003, there were more than 22. 000 gambling machines other than casinos, one of the domestic women, men and 180 children. With the increase in gambling population and the concentration of gambling opportunities, New Zealand is an effective experimental site to understand the dynamics of gambling.	According to the official figures, gaming products such as casinos, unlimited betting machines in casinos, no n-casino machines, lottery, scratches, sports betting, etc., which have a betting money of $ 2. 50 per game, have increased dramatically. Especially after 1990. In the 10 years since 1993, six casinos opened in over 4 million population. In December 2003, there were more than 22. 000 gambling machines other than casinos, one of the domestic women, men and 180 children. With the increase in gambling population and the concentration of gambling opportunities, New Zealand is an effective experimental site to understand the dynamics of gambling.	According to the official figures, gaming products such as casinos, unlimited betting machines in casinos, no n-casino machines, lottery, scratches, sports betting, etc., which have a betting money of $ 2. 50 per game, have increased dramatically. Especially after 1990. In the 10 years since 1993, six casinos opened in over 4 million population. In December 2003, there were more than 22. 000 gambling machines other than casinos, one of the domestic women, men and 180 children. With the increase in gambling population and the concentration of gambling opportunities, New Zealand is an effective experimental site to understand the dynamics of gambling.	According to the official figures, gaming products such as casinos, unlimited betting machines in casinos, no n-casino machines, lottery, scratches, sports betting, etc., which have a betting money of $ 2. 50 per game, have increased dramatically. Especially after 1990. In the 10 years since 1993, six casinos opened in over 4 million population. In December 2003, there were more than 22. 000 gambling machines other than casinos, one of the domestic women, men and 180 children. With the increase in gambling population and the concentration of gambling opportunities, New Zealand is an effective experimental site to understand the dynamics of gambling.

others

Curiosity

Which Communities Gamble?

N. A.

Believe in luck

N. A.

Gender and Problem Gambling

N. A.

N. A.

1991		1999
There are three main information sources about New Zealand gambling. First, there is an administrative collection in which data is collected in the process associated with tax, approval, procedure, etc. Second, the data obtained from a survey of the disease rate, gambling awareness, and the status of participation in gambling. Third, there is data created by a general statistical system, which includes an industrial association survey conducted to hear the casino administration bureau.	The most developed sources are the first and second categories. Here, the Ministry of Home Affairs (DIA) is particularly aggressive, outsourcing two larg e-scale illness rates and regular awareness surveys. It also publishes data from treatment providers, the number of game consoles, and gambling expenditures. However, there are few data on the flow, employment, and added value of the gambling industry. Public hygienic approaches are to focus on groups rather than individuals, and to respond to mental and economic problems based on social and economic factors. This is called this to put gambling in a context that is safe for individuals and does not confuse society in general. A publi c-hygiene approach to gambling is to take into account the costs and profits of gambling to both individuals and the local community. The purpose is to develop a strategy to minimize the adverse effects of gambling and to develop potential profits.	There are three main information sources about New Zealand gambling. First, there is an administrative collection in which data is collected in the process associated with tax, approval, procedure, etc. Second, the data obtained from a survey of the disease rate, gambling awareness, and the status of participation in gambling. Third, there is data created by a general statistical system, which includes an industrial association survey conducted to hear the casino administration bureau.	The most developed sources are the first and second categories. Here, the Ministry of Home Affairs (DIA) is particularly aggressive, outsourcing two larg e-scale illness rates and regular awareness surveys. It also publishes data from treatment providers, the number of game consoles, and gambling expenditures. However, there are few data on the flow, employment, and added value of the gambling industry. Public hygienic approaches are to focus on groups rather than individuals, and to respond to mental and economic problems based on social and economic factors. This is called this to put gambling in a context that is safe for individuals and does not confuse society in general. A publi c-hygiene approach to gambling is to take into account the costs and profits of gambling to both individuals and the local community. The purpose is to develop a strategy to minimize the adverse effects of gambling and to develop potential profits.
N. A.	no	A: Abbott and Volberg (1991: 54 Table 13). Source: ABBott and Volberg (Table 16a). Source: The Productivity Committee 1 (1) C): 5. Table 5. 1).	Gambling is a negative game for players. Most people lose, but few wins. This seemingly wide and consistent absurdity has begun to attract attention from various social scientists in Australia, the United Kingdom and the United States. In fact, all areas of the motivation of gamblers in New Zealand are worthy of research.	The gaming machine is an equal opportunity provider. Participation is not affected by language ability, gender, ethnicity, charm, physical and mental abilities. The equality of becoming a "winner" is the center of the charm of gaming machines, and is emphasized in the sales method. The mutual dependence of culture and ethnicity may be important in understanding the social meaning of gambling. According to an anecdoing experience, there are particular rapid changes in the participation of the Maori, Pacific and Asian women. < SPAN> The reason for gambling throughout the 1990s has not changed. More than half of the gambling dependents have consistently answered that they will "gamble to win money." In this regard, New Zealand is similar to Victoria, Australia (see Table 3).
Table 3 Reasons for gambling (by gender) (New Zealand, Australia) 1991 and 1999	3.0	6.0	1.1	2.8
new zealand	1.0	4.0	0.9	1.2

Australia

The percentage of gamblers who answered (multiple answers possible)

1991α

1999B

Are Problems Increasing?

1999C

total

woman

male

male

total

Make money

Entertainment

Philanthropic activity

Socialization

Excitement, challenge, performance	362. 850	674. 300	1. 037. 150	others
Curiosity	N. A.	Believe in luck	N. A.	N. A.
Telecommunication	N. A.	I don't know	N. A.	5.5
N. A.	According to the official figures, gaming products such as casinos, unlimited betting machines in casinos, no n-casino machines, lottery, scratches, sports betting, etc., which have a betting money of $ 2. 50 per game, have increased dramatically. Especially after 1990. In the 10 years since 1993, six casinos opened in over 4 million population. In December 2003, there were more than 22. 000 gambling machines other than casinos, one of the domestic women, men and 180 children. With the increase in gambling population and the concentration of gambling opportunities, New Zealand is an effective experimental site to understand the dynamics of gambling.	no	A: Abbott and Volberg (1991: 54 Table 13). Source: ABBott and Volberg (Table 16a). Source: The Productivity Committee 1 (1) C): 5. Table 5. 1).	Gambling is a negative game for players. Most people lose, but few wins. This seemingly wide and consistent absurdity has begun to attract attention from various social scientists in Australia, the United Kingdom and the United States. In fact, all areas of the motivation of gamblers in New Zealand are worthy of research.
The gaming machine is an equal opportunity provider. Participation is not affected by language ability, gender, ethnicity, charm, physical and mental abilities. The equality of becoming a "winner" is the center of the charm of gaming machines, and is emphasized in the sales method. The mutual dependence of culture and ethnicity may be important in understanding the social meaning of gambling. According to an anecdoing experience, there are particular rapid changes in the participation of the Maori, Pacific and Asian women. Throughout the 1990s, the reasons for gambling have not changed. More than half of the gambling dependents have consistently answered that they will "gamble to win money." In this regard, New Zealand is similar to Victoria, Australia (see Table 3).	According to the official figures, gaming products such as casinos, unlimited betting machines in casinos, no n-casino machines, lottery, scratches, sports betting, etc., which have a betting money of $ 2. 50 per game, have increased dramatically. Especially after 1990. In the 10 years since 1993, six casinos opened in over 4 million population. In December 2003, there were more than 22. 000 gambling machines other than casinos, one of the domestic women, men and 180 children. With the increase in gambling population and the concentration of gambling opportunities, New Zealand is an effective experimental site to understand the dynamics of gambling.	7.7	6.7	3.8
new zealand	Australia	4.7	1.5	0.9
Types of random games	According to the official figures, gaming products such as casinos, unlimited betting machines in casinos, no n-casino machines, lottery, scratches, sports betting, etc., which have a betting money of $ 2. 50 per game, have increased dramatically. Especially after 1990. In the 10 years since 1993, six casinos opened in over 4 million population. In December 2003, there were more than 22. 000 gambling machines other than casinos, one of the domestic women, men and 180 children. With the increase in gambling population and the concentration of gambling opportunities, New Zealand is an effective experimental site to understand the dynamics of gambling.	According to the official figures, gaming products such as casinos, unlimited betting machines in casinos, no n-casino machines, lottery, scratches, sports betting, etc., which have a betting money of $ 2. 50 per game, have increased dramatically. Especially after 1990. In the 10 years since 1993, six casinos opened in over 4 million population. In December 2003, there were more than 22. 000 gambling machines other than casinos, one of the domestic women, men and 180 children. With the increase in gambling population and the concentration of gambling opportunities, New Zealand is an effective experimental site to understand the dynamics of gambling.	1.1	0.7
Sports	According to the official figures, gaming products such as casinos, unlimited betting machines in casinos, no n-casino machines, lottery, scratches, sports betting, etc., which have a betting money of $ 2. 50 per game, have increased dramatically. Especially after 1990. In the 10 years since 1993, six casinos opened in over 4 million population. In December 2003, there were more than 22. 000 gambling machines other than casinos, one of the domestic women, men and 180 children. With the increase in gambling population and the concentration of gambling opportunities, New Zealand is an effective experimental site to understand the dynamics of gambling.	5.3	0.4	0.2
woman	male	male	0.3	0.4

total

Make money

Who Spends on Gambling?

Entertainment

Philanthropic activity

Socialization

Excitement, challenge, performance			Habit / Hobby
There are three main information sources about New Zealand gambling. First, there is an administrative collection in which data is collected in the process associated with tax, approval, procedure, etc. Second, the data obtained from a survey of the disease rate, gambling awareness, and the status of participation in gambling. Third, there is data created by a general statistical system, which includes an industrial association survey conducted to hear the casino administration bureau.	The most developed sources are the first and second categories. Here, the Ministry of Home Affairs (DIA) is particularly aggressive, outsourcing two larg e-scale illness rates and regular awareness surveys. It also publishes data from treatment providers, the number of game consoles, and gambling expenditures. However, there are few data on the flow, employment, and added value of the gambling industry. Public hygienic approaches are to focus on groups rather than individuals, and to respond to mental and economic problems based on social and economic factors. This is called this to put gambling in a context that is safe for individuals and does not confuse society in general. A publi c-hygiene approach to gambling is to take into account the costs and profits of gambling to both individuals and the local community. The purpose is to develop a strategy to minimize the adverse effects of gambling and to develop potential profits.	others	There are three main information sources about New Zealand gambling. First, there is an administrative collection in which data is collected in the process associated with tax, approval, procedure, etc. Second, the data obtained from a survey of the disease rate, gambling awareness, and the status of participation in gambling. Third, there is data created by a general statistical system, which includes an industrial association survey conducted to hear the casino administration bureau.	The most developed sources are the first and second categories. Here, the Ministry of Home Affairs (DIA) is particularly aggressive, outsourcing two larg e-scale illness rates and regular awareness surveys. It also publishes data from treatment providers, the number of game consoles, and gambling expenditures. However, there are few data on the flow, employment, and added value of the gambling industry. Public hygienic approaches are to focus on groups rather than individuals, and to respond to mental and economic problems based on social and economic factors. This is called this to put gambling in a context that is safe for individuals and does not confuse society in general. A publi c-hygiene approach to gambling is to take into account the costs and profits of gambling to both individuals and the local community. The purpose is to develop a strategy to minimize the adverse effects of gambling and to develop potential profits.	others
N. A.	N. A.	N. A.	N. A.	I don't know	N. A.

N. A.

N. A.

no

Excitement, challenge, performance		Habit / Hobby
The gaming machine is an equal opportunity provider. Participation is not affected by language ability, gender, ethnicity, charm, physical and mental abilities. The equality of becoming a "winner" is the center of the charm of gaming machines, and is emphasized in the sales method. The mutual dependence of culture and ethnicity may be important in understanding the social meaning of gambling. According to an anecdoing experience, there are particular rapid changes in the participation of the Maori, Pacific and Asian women.	If all issues players may ask the provider to help, the problem player's population is expected to be reflected in the population composition of the player seeking help. Reality is not. In 2002, 49. 2 % of new consultants were women. In addition, the treatment providers have provided services specializing in the Asian community based on the needs that are necessary. However, the available quantitative indicators reflect this perception only partially. In 1999, Abbott and Volberg discovered that the Maori and the Pacific Islands had a relatively high pathological gambling rate and the European pathological gambling rates were relatively low, but the current Asian pathological gambling. I found that there was no one. 14	The gaming machine is an equal opportunity provider. Participation is not affected by language ability, gender, ethnicity, charm, physical and mental abilities. The equality of becoming a "winner" is the center of the charm of gaming machines, and is emphasized in the sales method. The mutual dependence of culture and ethnicity may be important in understanding the social meaning of gambling. According to an anecdoing experience, there are particular rapid changes in the participation of the Maori, Pacific and Asian women.	If all issues players may ask the provider to help, the problem player's population is expected to be reflected in the population composition of the player seeking help. Reality is not. In 2002, 49. 2 % of new consultants were women. In addition, the treatment providers have provided services specializing in the Asian community based on the needs that are necessary. However, the available quantitative indicators reflect this perception only partially. In 1999, Abbott and Volberg discovered that the Maori and the Pacific Islands had a relatively high pathological gambling rate and the European pathological gambling rates were relatively low, but the current Asian pathological gambling. I found that there was no one. 14
Table 4 Gender Problem Gambling (New Zealand 1991 and 1999	woman	male	woman	male
No problem	96. 0	90. 0	98. 1	95. 9
There is a problem	Ill	* Those who won 3 or 4 points on South Oaks Gaming Screen (SOGS). ** 5 or more points on South Oaks Gaming Screen (SOGS).

Between 1998 and 2000, treatment services treated 2. 880 pathological gamblers (Department of Internal Affairs 2000: 42, Paton-Simpson et al. 2001: 43). This is equivalent to 9, 8%of the current pathological gamblers, estimated that Abbot and Volberg exist in New Zealand in 1999 (Abbott and Volberg 2000: 136 Table 18, Paton-Simpson et al. 2001: 43) 。

In 2000, healers evaluated 1. 274 new cases using the South Oaks Gamble Screen (SOGS) scale. Only 1. 7%of them were found to be a gambler or pathological gambler. Of these, 758 were men and 516 were women. The Australian Productivity Committee claims that the proportion of women in the gambler is increasing (Productivity Commission 1999 Volume 3 (Q9-Q12): Q9-Q12). This is called "an increase in gambling gambling" (p. Q12).

According to a completely different source of information, it is possible that women's gambling addiction is clearly increasing because of the increase in gambling. 。 According to a survey in 1999, New Zealand adults spent 60 minutes gambling on average. On average, women were gambling for 76 minutes a day, and the man gambling for 44 minutes a day. For women, this is slightly longer than the time spent to prepare for meals (Statistics New Zealand 1999).

ABBOTT and Volberg stated in 1999 that the problem gambling was lower in 1999 than in 1990 (2000: 182 Table 40). To support this result, in the 1990s, male gambling, pathological gambling and women's gambling were significantly reduced. However, there was no significant change in the rate of pathological gambling in women.

This number was 125. 000 men and women in 1991 suffering from lifetime problems and pathological gambling (Abbott and volberg 1991: 29), but in 1999, 58. In other words, 1991 to 1999. In the meantime, the average of 8. 330 problem gambling and pathological gambling decreased each year.

The fact that the decrease in the gambling has been reported has been emphasized in another vertical study conducted by Abbott and Volberg. Of the 217 samples chosen in 1991, 54 % of the intensive interviews were the gambler or pathological gambler. 18 However, out of the 143 samples in 1998, only 30 % were categorized in 1998 (ABBott, Williams and Volberg 1999: 61-64 Table 7-10). To further analyzes, in 1991, 27 % of intensive surveyed people (39 out of 143 common samples) were classified as a pathological player (Abbott and volberg 1992: 33 Table 11). In 1998, only 13 % (18 out of 143 people) were classified as a pathological player (Abbott, Williams and Volberg 1999: 61-64 Table 7-10) 19.

362. 850		674. 300
The gaming machine is an equal opportunity provider. Participation is not affected by language ability, gender, ethnicity, charm, physical and mental abilities. The equality of becoming a "winner" is the center of the charm of gaming machines, and is emphasized in the sales method. The mutual dependence of culture and ethnicity may be important in understanding the social meaning of gambling. According to an anecdoing experience, there are particular rapid changes in the participation of the Maori, Pacific and Asian women.	If all issues players may ask the provider to help, the problem player's population is expected to be reflected in the population composition of the player seeking help. Reality is not. In 2002, 49. 2 % of new consultants were women. In addition, the treatment providers have provided services specializing in the Asian community based on the needs that are necessary. However, the available quantitative indicators reflect this perception only partially. In 1999, Abbott and Volberg discovered that the Maori and the Pacific Islands had a relatively high pathological gambling rate and the European pathological gambling rates were relatively low, but the current Asian pathological gambling. I found that there was no one. 14	The gaming machine is an equal opportunity provider. Participation is not affected by language ability, gender, ethnicity, charm, physical and mental abilities. The equality of becoming a "winner" is the center of the charm of gaming machines, and is emphasized in the sales method. The mutual dependence of culture and ethnicity may be important in understanding the social meaning of gambling. According to an anecdoing experience, there are particular rapid changes in the participation of the Maori, Pacific and Asian women.	If all issues players may ask the provider to help, the problem player's population is expected to be reflected in the population composition of the player seeking help. Reality is not. In 2002, 49. 2 % of new consultants were women. In addition, the treatment providers have provided services specializing in the Asian community based on the needs that are necessary. However, the available quantitative indicators reflect this perception only partially. In 1999, Abbott and Volberg discovered that the Maori and the Pacific Islands had a relatively high pathological gambling rate and the European pathological gambling rates were relatively low, but the current Asian pathological gambling. I found that there was no one. 14
Table 5 Gambler gambling pattern (New Zealand 1991, 1999, 2002	Problem gambler percentage	1991α	1999B	1999C
2002D	Pocky other than casinos	12. 0	21. 3	60. 5
78. 1	Track	31. 3	25. 8	14. 8
Casino Pocky	N. A.	11, 8

14. 7

Theoretical and Policy Limitations of Prevalence Studies

10. 4

Casino table

N. A.

In addition, multiple, none

29. 5

Sports

Applicable

Applicable

Methodological Limitations of Prevalence Studies

Home

Sample Self-Selection

Applicable

Lotto/ Ken/ Scratch

26. 6

Sample Deterioration

19. 1

ABBott and volberg 1991: 53 Table 12. B Abbott and Volberg 2000: 167 Table 33. The percentage is not 100 in the original table. D Paton-Simpson et al. 2003: 13.

Telephone Interviewing

The results of this survey are partially different from the experience of the providers. In the latter case, pokers other than casinos were overwhelmingly popular among gamblers of 24 people, and betting at racetracks was relatively important. This discrepancy may reflect that the number of poker machines has increased by almost twice since the ABBOTT, WILLIAMS and Volberg survey. 25 In this regard, the latest provider's latest data may be more consistent with experience in other countries than Abbott et al. 26

Gambling expenditures are deducted from the prizes received from the bet. It is clearly difficult to evaluate gambling spending by the survey (part of the gap between existing information is described in Abbott 2001b: 11). For example, in the UK, the respondents in the exam survey were very confusing, so it was necessary to use different spending definitions for each type of gambling when conducting a nationally illegal rate survey. (Sprotson et al. 2000: 33). This is because, for example, in the case of lottery, people did not pay the prize money, so they overestimated spending, while slot machines, horse racing, and table games, people generally put prize money. be. In addition, it may be due to the nature of the situation that the gambler has misaligned the gambling spending. 27 Finally, female gamblers and male gamblers can support a verified hypothesis that the estimated accuracy of spending is different.

Analysis of Abbott and Volberg's data was given backwardly, and between 1991 and 1999, the average amount of adult spending per month increased from $ 37 to $ 41, 42 per month. Men in 1999 were less than 1991, but women had many spending. At the beginning and end of the period, men had more monthly spending than women, but the difference was considerably reduced in 1999 (see Table 6).

Use of SOGS

Table 6 Gende r-specific gambling monthly expenditures (New Zealand, 1991 and 1999)

1991*

1999 **

Another Research Agenda

woman

male

average

woman

male

average

$ 20

$ 55

Conclusion

$ 37

30, 44 $

52, 88 $

References

41, 42 $

*Abbott and volberg 1991: 27. ** Abbbott and volberg 2000: 111-114 Table 14a.

However, these estimates are open to considerable doubt. The 1991 figures suggest total gambling expenditure in 1991 was $970 million, compared with the Home Office's estimate of $575 million. 28 In 1999, the figures suggest expenditure of $1, 346, 8 million, compared with the Home Office's estimate of $1, 167 million (see Table 7). There appear to be two possible explanations for this discrepancy. One is that between 1991 and 1999, lottery spending declined as a share of total gambling expenditure, leading to a tendency towards an overspending on lotteries. On the other hand, it could be that women are more accurate about their expenditure than men, and more women were involved in gambling in 1999 than in 1991. 30 Table 7 Total annual expenditures of non-scheduled and problem gamblers, New Zealand, 1991 and 1999

1991*

1999**

$ million

$ million

% of total expenditure

Problem players

198. 9

20. 8

282. 8

21. 7

Non-problem players

756. 0

79. 2

1. 017. 5

78. 3

Total expenditures

954. 9

1. 300. 3

*Abbott and Volberg 1991: 52 table 11. **Abbott and Volberg 2000: 165 table 32.

Depending on which data you accept, either men spend more on gambling than women (or are more extravagant about their spending than women), or the amounts spent by men and women are almost the same.

Abbott and Volberg (2000: 166) reported that people with a history of gambling addiction (who make up only about 3% of the adult population) account for 24% of gambling expenditure. In 1999, the Productivity Commission found that problem gamblers in Australia account for 33% of all gambling expenditure (1999 (c): 7. 41), and similar patterns exist in several American states. Lepper (1999) obtains similar results in the case of the proposed Riverside Casino in Hamilton.

In 1999, Abbott and Volberg (2000: 165) estimated that today's problem gamblers lose an average of $526. 28 per month. 31 These reported losses are considerably lower than those found by treatment providers. 32 For example, in 1999, in the four weeks before entering treatment, men lost an average of 2. A year later, the gender gap had almost disappeared (men (US$2, 703 for men and US$2, 619 for women) (Paton-Simpson et al., 2001: 48). Given that women have much lower average incomes, this expenditure has a larger impact on women than on men.

From 1991 to 1999, it was found that the percentage of regular customers in total expenditures had increased (see Table 8). In the 1990s, the dependence on the industry's regular gambling increased significantly in its continuous form. From all data, it can be confirmed that most of the gambling revenue is brought by a small number of gambling customers. In fact, according to some sources, if there is no problem gambling, many formal gambling will not be economical.

Table 8 Annual expenditure (New Zealand, 1991 and 1999)

1991α

1999B

Million dollars

Whole

Million dollars

Million dollars

Regular no n-continuation

164. 3

17. 2

415. 0

31. 9

Regular continuation

137. 8

Footnotes

14. 4

520. 1

40. 0

Irregular

C652. 8

68. 4

C365. 2

28. 1

total

D954. 9

D1, 300, 3

ABBOTT AND VOLBERG 1991: 50 Table 10, 1991: 52 Table 11. B Abbott and volberg 2000: 108 Table 13. c found as residue.

The American Psychiatric Association is classifying pathological gambling into impulsive control disorders. Screening (mainly SOGS and DSM-IV) to confirm the presence or absence of this failure is an indispensable part of the disease rate survey. Therefore, the survey of the disease rate assumes that gambling problems are personal pathology issues. (For some useful theory about gambling pathology, see the National Research Council 1999: 31FF). Unfortunately, pathological models are theoretically defective and are not satisfied as public policy guidelines.

The pathological approach to gambling addiction assumes that there is "there" the characteristics of the individual who is an abnormal gambled addiction service that gamble addiction is abnormal. Except for the problem gambler, it is assumed that the "normal" relationship between demand, supply, risk and reward is applied. Therefore, the problem is not "the nature of the supply, the ease of obtaining, and the amount" (Easton 2002). < Span> From 1991 to 1999, it was found that the percentage of regular customers in total expenditures had increased (see Table 8). In the 1990s, the dependence on the industry's regular gambling increased significantly in its continuous form. From all data, it can be confirmed that most of the gambling revenue is brought by a small number of gambling customers. In fact, according to some sources, if there is no problem gambling, many formal gambling will not be economical.

Table 8 Annual expenditure (New Zealand, 1991 and 1999)

1991α

1999B

Million dollars

Whole

Million dollars

Million dollars

Regular no n-continuation

164. 3

17. 2

415. 0

31. 9

Regular continuation

137. 8

14. 4

520. 1

40. 0

Irregular

C652. 8

68. 4

C365. 2

28. 1